Malaysian coalition warns Indians over protest vote
http://www.zeenews.com/articles.asp?aid=427312&sid=SAS
Kuala Lampur, Feb 28: Malaysia's ruling coalition today warned the disenchanted minority Indian community that they would "pay the price" if they vote for the opposition in March 8 elections.
The Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), part of the multi-ethnic Barisan Nasional coalition, took out full-page newspaper ads which said Indians' prospects would "disintegrate" if they deserted the government.
The message is aimed at winning back the support of the community, which accuses the government dominated by Muslim Malays of insensitivity and discrimination.
"If you don't vote for MIC, then be prepared to pay the price," it said in bold red letters, urging Indians not to cast a protest vote for the Islamic party PAS, which rules impoverished Kelantan state.
"Vote for PAS and see where Kelantan is today. If you think that you are not progressing under MIC, then you can now imagine getting disintegrated under PAS," it said.
"Samy Vellu is definitely threatening Indians," he told AFP. "This shows that he has lost all of his avenues to woo votes and is flexing his iron muscles to win."
"But the Indians are educated. They are not cowards. They will be not be intimidated by the threats. Indians want their rights that has been denied for 50 years," he added.
Ethnic Indians have become a political force for the first time in the March elections, after an anti- discrimination rally last year that led to the detention without trial of five activists from rights group Hindraf.
Hindraf coordinator R Thanenthiran said the ads were a sign of desperation from MIC chief Samy Vellu, who has been heckled and jeered for supporting the government and condemning the protesters.
Bureau Report
Friday, February 29, 2008
Hindraf roses nipped in the bud?
Nipped in the bud
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20080314250505100.htm
P.S. SURYANARAYANA
In Kuala Lumpur
The announcement of snap elections overshadows ethnic Indians' "roses campaign" against the government.
BLOOMBERG NEWS
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Prime Minister, announcing the dissolution of Parliament on February 13. Elections will be held 15 months ahead of schedule, on March 8.
Malaysian Indians, numbering two million and forming about 8 per cent of the population of an upscale developing country with an uneven distribution of incomes and wealth, have begun to make waves in South-East Asia. They are doing this not by triumphalism of any kind but by the display of peaceful "people power" on a small but telling scale.
The ethnic Indian minority in Malaysia is "a historical accident" brought about by the callous British imperialists of a bygone era. Today, nearly 70 per cent of these people are in the "poor under-class" in the eyes of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), a voluntary group that the Malaysian authorities have refused to recognise, and also many independent observers.
The plight of the ethnic Indians is an unresolved challenge facing the 'Barisan Nasional' (National Front), the multiracial coalition that has ruled Malaysia since its independence in 1957. As the coalition braced for the snap general elections called by Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi for March 8, Hindraf brought this issue into sharper focus.
Abdullah called the poll by his political watch, 15 months ahead of schedule, despite commanding the loyalty of almost the entire Parliament. Clearly, he wanted to seek a fresh mandate before Anwar Ibrahim, a once-imprisoned former Deputy Prime Minister and a present-day star campaigner on the opposition circuit, could stand for an elective office again. Anwar's disqualification, the result of his imprisonment on corruption charges, expires in April.
The sudden announcement of elections also gave a new sense of urgency to Hindraf's roses campaign, which it had decided upon in January. As conceived and first announced by the self-exiled Hindraf chairman, P. Waytha Moorthy, his five-year-old daughter, Vwaishhnnavi, was to lead a group of about 200 children and 1,000 or more adult Malaysian Indians on a short "walk" to the Parliament House in Kuala Lumpur on February 16. They would carry red and yellow roses to be presented to the Prime Minister.
Red roses were meant to be a gesture of "goodwill" while the yellow ones signified Hindraf's demand for "justice" for the community. The group also wanted to re-emphasise its demand that five of its top leaders, in detention since December without formal charges and trial under the Internal Security Act, be set free. But the authorities nipped the campaign in the bud.
The "roses campaign", which Hindraf was averse to describing as a political rally or even a protest march, was planned as a sequel to the massive demonstration by ethnic Indians in Kuala Lumpur on November 25. According to unofficial estimates, over 20,000 ethnic Indians, perhaps even 30,000, participated in the demonstration. The message of the protesters, as was clear from poster-pictures of Mahatma Gandhi and the banners proclaiming peaceful intentions, was that Malaysian Indians ought to be treated as equal citizens alongside the majority Malay-Muslims and the largest minority of ethnic Chinese.
The authorities, denying any discrimination, banned the rally with the help of a pre-emptive court order. It was in line with the practice of the Malaysian state of not allowing street protests or rallies by any ethnic group or political party. While this rule was not without exemptions, the Hindraf rally, which was brought under "control" by the use of tear gas and water cannon, was preceded by a similarly subdued multiracial rally, led by Anwar Ibrahim, for electoral reforms and fair polls. Incidentally, in the March 8 elections, Malaysia will, for the first time in over half a century of freedom, use transparent ballot boxes and indelible ink as proof of voting.
Four significant trends came into focus between Hindraf's November rally and its "roses campaign" in February. First, the Malaysian authorities, not very conversant with the unity of ethnic Indians in their cultural and linguistic diversity, opted for the old-fashioned law-and-order approach in seeking to contain Hindraf and its burgeoning constituency.
There was an instance of a well-placed ethnic Indian (not the long-time Minister Samy Vellu) saying in the public domain, in the presence of Abdullah, that Malaysian Indians are indeed a "marginalised" community. A Malaysian Indian source, who is among the experts Abdullah turned to after the November 25 rally, indicated that the small but really affluent "creamy layer" of the ethnic Indian society has skewed its overall economic indices.
Seen in this perspective, the problem of underprivileged circumstances pertains largely to the Tamil-Telugu-Malayalee sections rather than the other Indian or Sri Lankan segments of the overall ethnic Indians in Malaysia. At another level, this source and also others are of the view that Abdullah, with a reputation for basic decency in politics and an agenda of "civilisational Islam", may still be a good bet for the ethnic Indians to engage in their campaign for a "fair deal".
Tough on Hindraf
ZAINAL ABD HALIM/REUTERS
In Kuala Lumpur on February 16, ethnic Indians protest against discrimination.
The second trend, evident since last November and closely linked to the first, is the government's determination to act tough on Hindraf's top leaders, all well-educated professionals, and draw a line in the sand between them and their followers, most of whom are not in the same category.
Unsurprisingly, therefore, there was no move at all, until at least the "roses campaign", to reconsider the detention of the leaders – P. Uthayakumar, V. Ganapati Rao (whose name is also spelt as Ganabathirau), M. Manoharan, R. Kengadharan and T. Vasanthakumar.
There was a move to portray them as the Malaysian associates of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, but the authorities stopped in their tracks after leaders like Lim Kit Siang of the multiracial opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) exposed the absurdity of the proposition in the absence of hard evidence.
Ganapati Rao and Manoharan are DAP activists besides being Hindraf leaders. And, Ishwar Nahappan, a prominent leader of the Samy Vellu-led Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), joined the DAP in early February. In yet another trend since the rising resonance of Hindraf among Malaysian Indians, the Abdullah government began engaging Official India more vigorously than before on the purely bilateral front.
Negotiations for the India-Malaysia comprehensive economic cooperation agreement began in February. Defence ties, too, received a boost during Defence Minister A.K. Antony's visit to Kuala Lumpur in early January. In a sense, the new Malaysian attitude of befriending Official India suits it, as it prefers quiet diplomacy on the ethnic Indian issue, which the Abdullah government has emphatically projected as its sovereign concern. Significantly, responding to a question from this correspondent, during Antony's visit, Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak said India was aware of the political situation in his country.
Last but not the least of these new trends on the ethnic Indian scene is the emergence of the temple as Hindraf's political theatre of choice. Waytha Moorthy, camping in London, told this correspondent that temples were the only places that Hindraf could now use as it was being routinely denied permission to hold any gathering anywhere else in Malaysia. In his view, such recourse to temples should not be seen as communalisation of politics by Hindraf and its ethnic Indian supporters.
In early February, Najib Tun Razak apologised for the Deepavali-eve demolition of a famous Hindu temple in the Klang area. This demolition was the flashpoint that led to the Hindraf rally in November. If, however, Najib's intention in tendering the apology was to prevent the further use of temples for politics, the events on February 16 unfolded a different tale altogether.
A well-known Vinayaka temple at Pudur Raya in Kuala Lumpur served as the scene of a defining event of "people power" in the face of "state power" on that day. The authorities, overnight, imposed a ban on Hindraf's "roses campaign", and the police, armed with water cannons and tear-gas gadgets, were out on the streets.
Apparently aware of the incongruity of banning a "walk" led by children carrying roses for the Prime Minister, the Malaysian police said the presence of children would pose a "security concern" in dealing with the law and order problem being created by Hindraf. Also in focus was Malaysia's political "norm" of not encouraging protest demonstrations in the public arena, especially those against the "established order". Yet another reason cited was the status of Hindraf as an unregistered group with no entitlements to permission for public events.
Even after the imposition of the ban, and until the police were actually spotted in strength on the streets on February 16, Hindraf kept open the option of fielding children holding flowers in the vanguard of the "walk" to the Parliament House. Nearly 200 children, accompanied by their parents, were housed at a theatre near the City Hall, but, as Hindraf events coordinator Kannan Ramasamy explained later, they were not deployed in view of the heavy police presence.
Waytha Moorthy had earlier defended the plan to field children for political purposes. Under guidance, Vwaishhnnavi had written to Abdullah requesting him to accept floral greetings from her and other children at the Parliament House and also ensure their security during their "walk" to his office.
Hindraf, separately, informed the authorities of its willingness to greet the Prime Minister in smaller numbers at any place, day and time of his choice. The authorities did not respond to the Hindraf pleas, and Abdullah described the group's mobilisation of protesters as an "illegal" act that "disrupts the election process".
As nearly 200 supporters of Hindraf sought to break the roadblocks on the routes to the Parliament House, they were chased away by the police. At about the same time, several hundred protesters made their way to landmark sites such as the Merdeka (Freedom) Square, the building housing Malaysia's Human Rights Commission, and a few other places. They held aloft banners seeking a fair deal for Malaysian Indians and also posters calling for the abolition of the Internal Security Act and the release of Hindraf's top leaders.
The protesters were targeted with water cannons and tear-gas at different places. This correspondent, who witnessed the action near Merdeka Square and felt the impact, was reminded of a similar police response to a protest near the same place when Anwar Ibrahim was sentenced in April 1999.
Over a hundred protesters gathered at the Vinayaka temple at Pudur Raya even after the group formally called off its programme for the day. As their shouts of "people power (makkal sakthi)" reached a crescendo, a lone woman walked up to a riot-control officer on the scene and presented a yellow rose.
Another officer was seen declining a similar offer, as the crowd began cheering her. Shortly thereafter, Hindraf national coordinator Thanenthiran Ramankutty made a surprise appearance at the temple and asked ethnic Indians to vote against the Abdullah government as it had "failed" and "insulted" them.
Finally, as the police-protester standoff near the temple ended without any action by the police, one was left wondering whether the lone woman's act of presenting a yellow rose to a security official at the height of tensions could yet prove a defining moment for the future of ethnic Indians in Malaysia.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20080314250505100.htm
P.S. SURYANARAYANA
In Kuala Lumpur
The announcement of snap elections overshadows ethnic Indians' "roses campaign" against the government.
BLOOMBERG NEWS
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Prime Minister, announcing the dissolution of Parliament on February 13. Elections will be held 15 months ahead of schedule, on March 8.
Malaysian Indians, numbering two million and forming about 8 per cent of the population of an upscale developing country with an uneven distribution of incomes and wealth, have begun to make waves in South-East Asia. They are doing this not by triumphalism of any kind but by the display of peaceful "people power" on a small but telling scale.
The ethnic Indian minority in Malaysia is "a historical accident" brought about by the callous British imperialists of a bygone era. Today, nearly 70 per cent of these people are in the "poor under-class" in the eyes of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), a voluntary group that the Malaysian authorities have refused to recognise, and also many independent observers.
The plight of the ethnic Indians is an unresolved challenge facing the 'Barisan Nasional' (National Front), the multiracial coalition that has ruled Malaysia since its independence in 1957. As the coalition braced for the snap general elections called by Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi for March 8, Hindraf brought this issue into sharper focus.
Abdullah called the poll by his political watch, 15 months ahead of schedule, despite commanding the loyalty of almost the entire Parliament. Clearly, he wanted to seek a fresh mandate before Anwar Ibrahim, a once-imprisoned former Deputy Prime Minister and a present-day star campaigner on the opposition circuit, could stand for an elective office again. Anwar's disqualification, the result of his imprisonment on corruption charges, expires in April.
The sudden announcement of elections also gave a new sense of urgency to Hindraf's roses campaign, which it had decided upon in January. As conceived and first announced by the self-exiled Hindraf chairman, P. Waytha Moorthy, his five-year-old daughter, Vwaishhnnavi, was to lead a group of about 200 children and 1,000 or more adult Malaysian Indians on a short "walk" to the Parliament House in Kuala Lumpur on February 16. They would carry red and yellow roses to be presented to the Prime Minister.
Red roses were meant to be a gesture of "goodwill" while the yellow ones signified Hindraf's demand for "justice" for the community. The group also wanted to re-emphasise its demand that five of its top leaders, in detention since December without formal charges and trial under the Internal Security Act, be set free. But the authorities nipped the campaign in the bud.
The "roses campaign", which Hindraf was averse to describing as a political rally or even a protest march, was planned as a sequel to the massive demonstration by ethnic Indians in Kuala Lumpur on November 25. According to unofficial estimates, over 20,000 ethnic Indians, perhaps even 30,000, participated in the demonstration. The message of the protesters, as was clear from poster-pictures of Mahatma Gandhi and the banners proclaiming peaceful intentions, was that Malaysian Indians ought to be treated as equal citizens alongside the majority Malay-Muslims and the largest minority of ethnic Chinese.
The authorities, denying any discrimination, banned the rally with the help of a pre-emptive court order. It was in line with the practice of the Malaysian state of not allowing street protests or rallies by any ethnic group or political party. While this rule was not without exemptions, the Hindraf rally, which was brought under "control" by the use of tear gas and water cannon, was preceded by a similarly subdued multiracial rally, led by Anwar Ibrahim, for electoral reforms and fair polls. Incidentally, in the March 8 elections, Malaysia will, for the first time in over half a century of freedom, use transparent ballot boxes and indelible ink as proof of voting.
Four significant trends came into focus between Hindraf's November rally and its "roses campaign" in February. First, the Malaysian authorities, not very conversant with the unity of ethnic Indians in their cultural and linguistic diversity, opted for the old-fashioned law-and-order approach in seeking to contain Hindraf and its burgeoning constituency.
There was an instance of a well-placed ethnic Indian (not the long-time Minister Samy Vellu) saying in the public domain, in the presence of Abdullah, that Malaysian Indians are indeed a "marginalised" community. A Malaysian Indian source, who is among the experts Abdullah turned to after the November 25 rally, indicated that the small but really affluent "creamy layer" of the ethnic Indian society has skewed its overall economic indices.
Seen in this perspective, the problem of underprivileged circumstances pertains largely to the Tamil-Telugu-Malayalee sections rather than the other Indian or Sri Lankan segments of the overall ethnic Indians in Malaysia. At another level, this source and also others are of the view that Abdullah, with a reputation for basic decency in politics and an agenda of "civilisational Islam", may still be a good bet for the ethnic Indians to engage in their campaign for a "fair deal".
Tough on Hindraf
ZAINAL ABD HALIM/REUTERS
In Kuala Lumpur on February 16, ethnic Indians protest against discrimination.
The second trend, evident since last November and closely linked to the first, is the government's determination to act tough on Hindraf's top leaders, all well-educated professionals, and draw a line in the sand between them and their followers, most of whom are not in the same category.
Unsurprisingly, therefore, there was no move at all, until at least the "roses campaign", to reconsider the detention of the leaders – P. Uthayakumar, V. Ganapati Rao (whose name is also spelt as Ganabathirau), M. Manoharan, R. Kengadharan and T. Vasanthakumar.
There was a move to portray them as the Malaysian associates of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, but the authorities stopped in their tracks after leaders like Lim Kit Siang of the multiracial opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) exposed the absurdity of the proposition in the absence of hard evidence.
Ganapati Rao and Manoharan are DAP activists besides being Hindraf leaders. And, Ishwar Nahappan, a prominent leader of the Samy Vellu-led Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), joined the DAP in early February. In yet another trend since the rising resonance of Hindraf among Malaysian Indians, the Abdullah government began engaging Official India more vigorously than before on the purely bilateral front.
Negotiations for the India-Malaysia comprehensive economic cooperation agreement began in February. Defence ties, too, received a boost during Defence Minister A.K. Antony's visit to Kuala Lumpur in early January. In a sense, the new Malaysian attitude of befriending Official India suits it, as it prefers quiet diplomacy on the ethnic Indian issue, which the Abdullah government has emphatically projected as its sovereign concern. Significantly, responding to a question from this correspondent, during Antony's visit, Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak said India was aware of the political situation in his country.
Last but not the least of these new trends on the ethnic Indian scene is the emergence of the temple as Hindraf's political theatre of choice. Waytha Moorthy, camping in London, told this correspondent that temples were the only places that Hindraf could now use as it was being routinely denied permission to hold any gathering anywhere else in Malaysia. In his view, such recourse to temples should not be seen as communalisation of politics by Hindraf and its ethnic Indian supporters.
In early February, Najib Tun Razak apologised for the Deepavali-eve demolition of a famous Hindu temple in the Klang area. This demolition was the flashpoint that led to the Hindraf rally in November. If, however, Najib's intention in tendering the apology was to prevent the further use of temples for politics, the events on February 16 unfolded a different tale altogether.
A well-known Vinayaka temple at Pudur Raya in Kuala Lumpur served as the scene of a defining event of "people power" in the face of "state power" on that day. The authorities, overnight, imposed a ban on Hindraf's "roses campaign", and the police, armed with water cannons and tear-gas gadgets, were out on the streets.
Apparently aware of the incongruity of banning a "walk" led by children carrying roses for the Prime Minister, the Malaysian police said the presence of children would pose a "security concern" in dealing with the law and order problem being created by Hindraf. Also in focus was Malaysia's political "norm" of not encouraging protest demonstrations in the public arena, especially those against the "established order". Yet another reason cited was the status of Hindraf as an unregistered group with no entitlements to permission for public events.
Even after the imposition of the ban, and until the police were actually spotted in strength on the streets on February 16, Hindraf kept open the option of fielding children holding flowers in the vanguard of the "walk" to the Parliament House. Nearly 200 children, accompanied by their parents, were housed at a theatre near the City Hall, but, as Hindraf events coordinator Kannan Ramasamy explained later, they were not deployed in view of the heavy police presence.
Waytha Moorthy had earlier defended the plan to field children for political purposes. Under guidance, Vwaishhnnavi had written to Abdullah requesting him to accept floral greetings from her and other children at the Parliament House and also ensure their security during their "walk" to his office.
Hindraf, separately, informed the authorities of its willingness to greet the Prime Minister in smaller numbers at any place, day and time of his choice. The authorities did not respond to the Hindraf pleas, and Abdullah described the group's mobilisation of protesters as an "illegal" act that "disrupts the election process".
As nearly 200 supporters of Hindraf sought to break the roadblocks on the routes to the Parliament House, they were chased away by the police. At about the same time, several hundred protesters made their way to landmark sites such as the Merdeka (Freedom) Square, the building housing Malaysia's Human Rights Commission, and a few other places. They held aloft banners seeking a fair deal for Malaysian Indians and also posters calling for the abolition of the Internal Security Act and the release of Hindraf's top leaders.
The protesters were targeted with water cannons and tear-gas at different places. This correspondent, who witnessed the action near Merdeka Square and felt the impact, was reminded of a similar police response to a protest near the same place when Anwar Ibrahim was sentenced in April 1999.
Over a hundred protesters gathered at the Vinayaka temple at Pudur Raya even after the group formally called off its programme for the day. As their shouts of "people power (makkal sakthi)" reached a crescendo, a lone woman walked up to a riot-control officer on the scene and presented a yellow rose.
Another officer was seen declining a similar offer, as the crowd began cheering her. Shortly thereafter, Hindraf national coordinator Thanenthiran Ramankutty made a surprise appearance at the temple and asked ethnic Indians to vote against the Abdullah government as it had "failed" and "insulted" them.
Finally, as the police-protester standoff near the temple ended without any action by the police, one was left wondering whether the lone woman's act of presenting a yellow rose to a security official at the height of tensions could yet prove a defining moment for the future of ethnic Indians in Malaysia.
Concerns conveyed to Malaysia over Ethnic Indians' grievances: Mukherjee
Concerns conveyed to Malaysia over ethnic Indians' grievances: Mukherjee
http://www.indiaenews.com/nri/20080229/100944.htm
Friday, February 29, 2008
From correspondents in Delhi, India, 12:32 AM IST
India has expressed concerns to Malaysian authorities on grievances expressed by certain Malaysians of Indian origin over their social conditions and religious rights, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee told parliament Thursday.
'During our interactions with Malaysian authorities, concerns expressed in India, including in the parliament, regarding developments pertaining to the Indian community in Malaysia have been suitably conveyed,' Mukherjee said in a written reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha.
On Nov 25, 2007, a rally was organized by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) in Kuala Lumpur to hand over a petition to the British High Commission to seek support for a class action suit filed in Britain over exploitation of Indians who were brought to Malaysia as indentured labour in the colonial days.
'During this rally as well as subsequently, difficulties and concerns pertaining to economic and social conditions and religious rights of the Indian community in Malaysia have been highlighted,' he said.
Indians, who came to Malaysia mainly as indentured labourers, account for about eight percent of the total population and 'are well-integrated in Malaysian society'.
Mukherjee noted that Malaysian citizens of Indian origin were active in various walks of life including government and their rights were also derived from the Malaysian constitution.
'Members of Indian community have, however, also articulated their concerns and grievances regarding their standing in the country,' he said.
He pointed out that he had made a statement before the house Nov 30, 2007 after concerns expressed by parliamentarians over the alleged harassment of participants at the Hindraf rally.
According to the written reply, the Indian government remains 'deeply solicitous for the welfare of people of Indian origin living abroad and noted that there is a large community of people of Indian origin in Malaysia who are citizens of that country.'
Mukherjee noted that India has friendly relations with Malaysia and was in 'touch with Malaysian authorities in the related matter.
(Staff Writer, © IANS)
http://www.indiaenews.com/nri/20080229/100944.htm
Friday, February 29, 2008
From correspondents in Delhi, India, 12:32 AM IST
India has expressed concerns to Malaysian authorities on grievances expressed by certain Malaysians of Indian origin over their social conditions and religious rights, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee told parliament Thursday.
'During our interactions with Malaysian authorities, concerns expressed in India, including in the parliament, regarding developments pertaining to the Indian community in Malaysia have been suitably conveyed,' Mukherjee said in a written reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha.
On Nov 25, 2007, a rally was organized by the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) in Kuala Lumpur to hand over a petition to the British High Commission to seek support for a class action suit filed in Britain over exploitation of Indians who were brought to Malaysia as indentured labour in the colonial days.
'During this rally as well as subsequently, difficulties and concerns pertaining to economic and social conditions and religious rights of the Indian community in Malaysia have been highlighted,' he said.
Indians, who came to Malaysia mainly as indentured labourers, account for about eight percent of the total population and 'are well-integrated in Malaysian society'.
Mukherjee noted that Malaysian citizens of Indian origin were active in various walks of life including government and their rights were also derived from the Malaysian constitution.
'Members of Indian community have, however, also articulated their concerns and grievances regarding their standing in the country,' he said.
He pointed out that he had made a statement before the house Nov 30, 2007 after concerns expressed by parliamentarians over the alleged harassment of participants at the Hindraf rally.
According to the written reply, the Indian government remains 'deeply solicitous for the welfare of people of Indian origin living abroad and noted that there is a large community of people of Indian origin in Malaysia who are citizens of that country.'
Mukherjee noted that India has friendly relations with Malaysia and was in 'touch with Malaysian authorities in the related matter.
(Staff Writer, © IANS)
Abdullah's power may be curbed by Malaysia minorities -- Bloomberg
Abdullah's Power May Be Curbed by Malaysia Minorities (Update1)
By En-Lai Yeoh and Stephanie Phang
Feb. 29 (Bloomberg) -- After Vella Murugan's third application for a government-subsidized mortgage was turned down in September, he decided he would back the opposition in Malaysia's March 8 election.
He blames the rejection on his Indian ancestry. ``I see my Malay neighbors with the same salary as me getting loans all the time,'' said Vella, 38, a laborer from a Kuala Lumpur suburb who earns about 800 ringgit ($245) a month, just above the official poverty line. Indians ``have a lack of opportunities.''
Malaysia's biggest minorities -- Indians and Chinese -- have become more vocal in airing such grievances, taking a toll on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's support. In November, Vella joined 10,000 other Indians to protest Malaysia's legalized discrimination system, the largest ethnic demonstration in Kuala Lumpur since 1969.
``We love being part of Malaysia, but the government has to know how we feel,'' Vella said.
Come election day, ``some non-Malays might feel that they need to vote for the opposition because of what they have seen and felt,'' said Mohamed Mustafa Ishak, international studies dean at Universiti Utara Malaysia.
Indians and Chinese together are a third of Malaysia's population of 27 million. If enough vote against the ruling coalition, it would lose the two-thirds parliamentary majority it has had for more than 30 years -- a free hand that consolidated Malay power.
Emboldened Opposition
Even if Abdullah's super-majority remains, a close call may embolden the opposition. The coalition won 64 percent of the vote and 90 percent of the parliament's seats in 2004, and it is unlikely to lose control completely.
Approval for Abdullah, 68, among Indians fell to 38 percent in December, from 79 percent in October, according to a survey published by the Merdeka Center, an independent Malaysian research group. His rating among Chinese fell to 42 percent from 47 percent; among Malays, it dropped to 76 percent from 84 percent.
Race long has been Malaysia's main political issue. Abdullah's United Malays National Organisation led the fight for independence from Britain, which succeeded in 1957 with a new constitution that promised Malays special rights. Since then, UMNO has governed with junior Chinese and Indian partners in a coalition now called the National Front.
Bloody Backlash
In 1969, after urban Chinese and rural Islamic opposition groups won a majority of votes and more than a third of parliament, Chinese victory parades prompted a bloody backlash by Malays and emergency rule.
The government in 1971 created an affirmative-action policy that gave Malays educational, housing and job preferences to correct ``imbalances'' in an economy then dominated by British and Chinese.
Abdullah has said that ``disparity in income and wealth'' among ethnic groups ``persists and must be addressed.'' Today, Malaysia still funds preferential business loans for Malays. It's difficult for some non-Malays to get into public universities. Chinese complain that they aren't allowed to set up more Mandarin-language schools.
The government's destruction last year of 80 Hindu temples -- allegedly built illegally -- helped spark the Indians' Nov. 25 protest, which authorities broke up with tear gas and water cannons. The Hindu Rights Action Force, the event's organizer, likened the temples' demolition to ``ethnic cleansing.'' Islam is Malaysia's official religion.
Drag on Growth
Opposition parties, including the Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party, say pro-Malay policies are a drag on growth and should be replaced with programs to help the poor of all races.
``To many Malaysians, this general election is the last hope for change,'' wrote DAP official and lawmaker Lim Kit Siang, 66, on his blog Feb. 24. The results will determine if ``all Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, can have an equal place under the Malaysia sun.''
The government counters that Abdullah's coalition is the best choice for stable growth. From the end of British rule to 2005, Malaysia's economy grew an average 6.5 percent a year; the government predicts the same rate for 2008, up from 5.9 percent in 2006 and 6.3 percent in 2007.
``Ask the man on the street,'' said Radzi Sheikh Ahmad, home affairs minister and UMNO secretary-general. ``He will tell you the economy is doing well, and everyone is benefiting.''
Assuaging Non-Malays
The prime minister has tried to assuage non-Malays' concerns. In December, the government promised not to demolish Hindu temples without a good reason. Land for new temples and other incentives are planned for constituencies with high percentages of Indians, coalition officials said. Abdullah last year also eased investment rules favoring Malays in part of the southern state of Johor to attract foreign money.
Hindraf spokesman S. Jayathas rejected the promises, and said the group, whose leaders are being detained without trial, is calling on its supporters to vote for any opposition party next month, including the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party.
``There is always the thought that we are not doing enough, especially for the non-Malays,'' Abdullah told the Star newspaper in an interview published Feb. 3. ``Our promise was to develop the nation as a whole, and taking into consideration the need of every Malaysian and making sure that no one would be left behind.''
The ruling coalition is ``working very hard'' to woo Indian voters, said Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, political analyst at the National University of Malaysia. ``In the end, the people may not translate their unhappiness with the economic governance into votes, as they are more concerned about their personal security, which many feel only the ruling coalition can offer.''
To contact the reporters on this story: En-Lai Yeoh in Kuala Lumpur at eyeoh1@bloomberg.net ; Stephanie Phang in Kuala Lumpur at sphang@bloomberg.net
Last Updated: February 28, 2008 22:41 EST
http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601080&sid=aegsC50zcwoY&refer=asia
By En-Lai Yeoh and Stephanie Phang
Feb. 29 (Bloomberg) -- After Vella Murugan's third application for a government-subsidized mortgage was turned down in September, he decided he would back the opposition in Malaysia's March 8 election.
He blames the rejection on his Indian ancestry. ``I see my Malay neighbors with the same salary as me getting loans all the time,'' said Vella, 38, a laborer from a Kuala Lumpur suburb who earns about 800 ringgit ($245) a month, just above the official poverty line. Indians ``have a lack of opportunities.''
Malaysia's biggest minorities -- Indians and Chinese -- have become more vocal in airing such grievances, taking a toll on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's support. In November, Vella joined 10,000 other Indians to protest Malaysia's legalized discrimination system, the largest ethnic demonstration in Kuala Lumpur since 1969.
``We love being part of Malaysia, but the government has to know how we feel,'' Vella said.
Come election day, ``some non-Malays might feel that they need to vote for the opposition because of what they have seen and felt,'' said Mohamed Mustafa Ishak, international studies dean at Universiti Utara Malaysia.
Indians and Chinese together are a third of Malaysia's population of 27 million. If enough vote against the ruling coalition, it would lose the two-thirds parliamentary majority it has had for more than 30 years -- a free hand that consolidated Malay power.
Emboldened Opposition
Even if Abdullah's super-majority remains, a close call may embolden the opposition. The coalition won 64 percent of the vote and 90 percent of the parliament's seats in 2004, and it is unlikely to lose control completely.
Approval for Abdullah, 68, among Indians fell to 38 percent in December, from 79 percent in October, according to a survey published by the Merdeka Center, an independent Malaysian research group. His rating among Chinese fell to 42 percent from 47 percent; among Malays, it dropped to 76 percent from 84 percent.
Race long has been Malaysia's main political issue. Abdullah's United Malays National Organisation led the fight for independence from Britain, which succeeded in 1957 with a new constitution that promised Malays special rights. Since then, UMNO has governed with junior Chinese and Indian partners in a coalition now called the National Front.
Bloody Backlash
In 1969, after urban Chinese and rural Islamic opposition groups won a majority of votes and more than a third of parliament, Chinese victory parades prompted a bloody backlash by Malays and emergency rule.
The government in 1971 created an affirmative-action policy that gave Malays educational, housing and job preferences to correct ``imbalances'' in an economy then dominated by British and Chinese.
Abdullah has said that ``disparity in income and wealth'' among ethnic groups ``persists and must be addressed.'' Today, Malaysia still funds preferential business loans for Malays. It's difficult for some non-Malays to get into public universities. Chinese complain that they aren't allowed to set up more Mandarin-language schools.
The government's destruction last year of 80 Hindu temples -- allegedly built illegally -- helped spark the Indians' Nov. 25 protest, which authorities broke up with tear gas and water cannons. The Hindu Rights Action Force, the event's organizer, likened the temples' demolition to ``ethnic cleansing.'' Islam is Malaysia's official religion.
Drag on Growth
Opposition parties, including the Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party, say pro-Malay policies are a drag on growth and should be replaced with programs to help the poor of all races.
``To many Malaysians, this general election is the last hope for change,'' wrote DAP official and lawmaker Lim Kit Siang, 66, on his blog Feb. 24. The results will determine if ``all Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, can have an equal place under the Malaysia sun.''
The government counters that Abdullah's coalition is the best choice for stable growth. From the end of British rule to 2005, Malaysia's economy grew an average 6.5 percent a year; the government predicts the same rate for 2008, up from 5.9 percent in 2006 and 6.3 percent in 2007.
``Ask the man on the street,'' said Radzi Sheikh Ahmad, home affairs minister and UMNO secretary-general. ``He will tell you the economy is doing well, and everyone is benefiting.''
Assuaging Non-Malays
The prime minister has tried to assuage non-Malays' concerns. In December, the government promised not to demolish Hindu temples without a good reason. Land for new temples and other incentives are planned for constituencies with high percentages of Indians, coalition officials said. Abdullah last year also eased investment rules favoring Malays in part of the southern state of Johor to attract foreign money.
Hindraf spokesman S. Jayathas rejected the promises, and said the group, whose leaders are being detained without trial, is calling on its supporters to vote for any opposition party next month, including the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party.
``There is always the thought that we are not doing enough, especially for the non-Malays,'' Abdullah told the Star newspaper in an interview published Feb. 3. ``Our promise was to develop the nation as a whole, and taking into consideration the need of every Malaysian and making sure that no one would be left behind.''
The ruling coalition is ``working very hard'' to woo Indian voters, said Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, political analyst at the National University of Malaysia. ``In the end, the people may not translate their unhappiness with the economic governance into votes, as they are more concerned about their personal security, which many feel only the ruling coalition can offer.''
To contact the reporters on this story: En-Lai Yeoh in Kuala Lumpur at eyeoh1@bloomberg.net ; Stephanie Phang in Kuala Lumpur at sphang@bloomberg.net
Last Updated: February 28, 2008 22:41 EST
http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601080&sid=aegsC50zcwoY&refer=asia
Thursday, February 28, 2008
Anti-bias vote may reduce Abdulla's power in Malaysia-- Bloomberg
Abdullah's Power in Malaysia May Be Reduced by Anti-Bias Votes
By En-Lai Yeoh and Stephanie Phang
Feb. 29 (Bloomberg) -- After Vella Murugan's third application for a government-subsidized mortgage was turned down in September, he decided he would back the opposition in Malaysia's March 8 election.
He blames the rejection on his Indian ancestry. ``I see my Malay neighbors with the same salary as me getting loans all the time,'' said Vella, 38, a laborer from a Kuala Lumpur suburb who earns about 800 ringgit ($245) a month, just above the official poverty line. Indians ``have a lack of opportunities.''
Malaysia's biggest minorities -- Indians and Chinese -- have become more vocal in airing such grievances, taking a toll on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's support. In November, Vella joined 10,000 other Indians to protest Malaysia's legalized discrimination system, the largest ethnic demonstration in Kuala Lumpur since 1969.
``We love being part of Malaysia, but the government has to know how we feel,'' Vella said.
Come election day, ``some non-Malays might feel that they need to vote for the opposition because of what they have seen and felt,'' said Mohamed Mustafa Ishak, international studies dean at Universiti Utara Malaysia.
Indians and Chinese together are a third of Malaysia's population of 27 million. If enough vote against the ruling coalition, it would lose the two-thirds parliamentary majority it has had for more than 30 years -- a free hand that consolidated Malay power.
Emboldened Opposition
Even if Abdullah's super-majority remains, a close call may embolden the opposition. The coalition won 64 percent of the vote and 90 percent of the parliament's seats in 2004, and it is unlikely to lose control completely.
Approval for Abdullah, 68, among Indians fell to 38 percent in December, from 79 percent in October, according to a survey published by the Merdeka Center, an independent Malaysian research group. His rating among Chinese fell to 42 percent from 47 percent; among Malays, it dropped to 76 percent from 84 percent.
Race long has been Malaysia's main political issue. Abdullah's United Malays National Organisation led the fight for independence from Britain, which succeeded in 1957 with a new constitution that promised Malays special rights. Since then, the UMNO has governed with junior Chinese and Indian partners in a coalition now called the National Front.
In 1969, after urban Chinese and rural Islamic opposition groups won a majority of votes and more than a third of parliament, Chinese victory parades prompted a bloody backlash by Malays and emergency rule.
Economic `Imbalances'
The government in 1971 created an affirmative-action policy that gave Malays educational, housing and job preferences to correct ``imbalances'' in an economy then dominated by British and Chinese.
Abdullah has said that ``disparity in income and wealth'' among ethnic groups ``persists and must be addressed.'' Today, Malaysia still funds preferential business loans for Malays. It's difficult for some non-Malays to get into public universities. Chinese complain that they aren't allowed to set up more Mandarin-language schools.
The government's destruction last year of 80 Hindu temples -- allegedly built illegally -- helped spark the Indians' Nov. 25 protest, which authorities broke up with tear gas and water cannons. The Hindu Rights Action Group, the event's organizer, likened the temples' demolition to ``ethnic cleansing.'' Islam is Malaysia's official religion.
Drag on Growth
Opposition parties, including the Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party, say pro-Malay policies are a drag on growth and should be replaced with programs to help the poor of all races.
``To many Malaysians, this general election is the last hope for change,'' wrote DAP official and lawmaker Lim Kit Siang, 66, on his blog Feb. 24. The results will determine if ``all Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, can have an equal place under the Malaysia sun.''
The government counters that Abdullah's coalition is the best choice for stable growth. From the end of British rule to 2005, Malaysia's economy grew an average 6.5 percent a year; the government predicts the same rate for 2008, up from 5.9 percent in 2006 and 6.3 percent in 2007.
``Ask the man on the street,'' said Radzi Sheikh Ahmad, home affairs minister and UMNO secretary-general. ``He will tell you the economy is doing well, and everyone is benefiting.''
Assuaging Non-Malays
The prime minister has tried to assuage non-Malays' concerns. In December, the government promised not to demolish Hindu temples without a good reason. Land for new temples and other incentives are planned for constituencies with high percentages of Indians, coalition officials said. Abdullah last year also eased investment rules favoring Malays in part of the southern state of Johor to attract foreign money.
``There is always the thought that we are not doing enough, especially for the non-Malays,'' Abdullah told the Star newspaper in an interview published Feb. 3. ``Our promise was to develop the nation as a whole, and taking into consideration the need of every Malaysian and making sure that no one would be left behind.''
The ruling coalition is ``working very hard'' to woo Indian voters, said Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, political analyst at the National University of Malaysia. ``In the end, the people may not translate their unhappiness with the economic governance into votes, as they are more concerned about their personal security, which many feel only the ruling coalition can offer.''
To contact the reporters on this story: En-Lai Yeoh in Kuala Lumpur at eyeoh1@bloomberg.net ; Stephanie Phang in Kuala Lumpur at sphang@bloomberg.net
Last Updated: February 28, 2008 11:50 EST
By En-Lai Yeoh and Stephanie Phang
Feb. 29 (Bloomberg) -- After Vella Murugan's third application for a government-subsidized mortgage was turned down in September, he decided he would back the opposition in Malaysia's March 8 election.
He blames the rejection on his Indian ancestry. ``I see my Malay neighbors with the same salary as me getting loans all the time,'' said Vella, 38, a laborer from a Kuala Lumpur suburb who earns about 800 ringgit ($245) a month, just above the official poverty line. Indians ``have a lack of opportunities.''
Malaysia's biggest minorities -- Indians and Chinese -- have become more vocal in airing such grievances, taking a toll on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's support. In November, Vella joined 10,000 other Indians to protest Malaysia's legalized discrimination system, the largest ethnic demonstration in Kuala Lumpur since 1969.
``We love being part of Malaysia, but the government has to know how we feel,'' Vella said.
Come election day, ``some non-Malays might feel that they need to vote for the opposition because of what they have seen and felt,'' said Mohamed Mustafa Ishak, international studies dean at Universiti Utara Malaysia.
Indians and Chinese together are a third of Malaysia's population of 27 million. If enough vote against the ruling coalition, it would lose the two-thirds parliamentary majority it has had for more than 30 years -- a free hand that consolidated Malay power.
Emboldened Opposition
Even if Abdullah's super-majority remains, a close call may embolden the opposition. The coalition won 64 percent of the vote and 90 percent of the parliament's seats in 2004, and it is unlikely to lose control completely.
Approval for Abdullah, 68, among Indians fell to 38 percent in December, from 79 percent in October, according to a survey published by the Merdeka Center, an independent Malaysian research group. His rating among Chinese fell to 42 percent from 47 percent; among Malays, it dropped to 76 percent from 84 percent.
Race long has been Malaysia's main political issue. Abdullah's United Malays National Organisation led the fight for independence from Britain, which succeeded in 1957 with a new constitution that promised Malays special rights. Since then, the UMNO has governed with junior Chinese and Indian partners in a coalition now called the National Front.
In 1969, after urban Chinese and rural Islamic opposition groups won a majority of votes and more than a third of parliament, Chinese victory parades prompted a bloody backlash by Malays and emergency rule.
Economic `Imbalances'
The government in 1971 created an affirmative-action policy that gave Malays educational, housing and job preferences to correct ``imbalances'' in an economy then dominated by British and Chinese.
Abdullah has said that ``disparity in income and wealth'' among ethnic groups ``persists and must be addressed.'' Today, Malaysia still funds preferential business loans for Malays. It's difficult for some non-Malays to get into public universities. Chinese complain that they aren't allowed to set up more Mandarin-language schools.
The government's destruction last year of 80 Hindu temples -- allegedly built illegally -- helped spark the Indians' Nov. 25 protest, which authorities broke up with tear gas and water cannons. The Hindu Rights Action Group, the event's organizer, likened the temples' demolition to ``ethnic cleansing.'' Islam is Malaysia's official religion.
Drag on Growth
Opposition parties, including the Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party, say pro-Malay policies are a drag on growth and should be replaced with programs to help the poor of all races.
``To many Malaysians, this general election is the last hope for change,'' wrote DAP official and lawmaker Lim Kit Siang, 66, on his blog Feb. 24. The results will determine if ``all Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, can have an equal place under the Malaysia sun.''
The government counters that Abdullah's coalition is the best choice for stable growth. From the end of British rule to 2005, Malaysia's economy grew an average 6.5 percent a year; the government predicts the same rate for 2008, up from 5.9 percent in 2006 and 6.3 percent in 2007.
``Ask the man on the street,'' said Radzi Sheikh Ahmad, home affairs minister and UMNO secretary-general. ``He will tell you the economy is doing well, and everyone is benefiting.''
Assuaging Non-Malays
The prime minister has tried to assuage non-Malays' concerns. In December, the government promised not to demolish Hindu temples without a good reason. Land for new temples and other incentives are planned for constituencies with high percentages of Indians, coalition officials said. Abdullah last year also eased investment rules favoring Malays in part of the southern state of Johor to attract foreign money.
``There is always the thought that we are not doing enough, especially for the non-Malays,'' Abdullah told the Star newspaper in an interview published Feb. 3. ``Our promise was to develop the nation as a whole, and taking into consideration the need of every Malaysian and making sure that no one would be left behind.''
The ruling coalition is ``working very hard'' to woo Indian voters, said Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, political analyst at the National University of Malaysia. ``In the end, the people may not translate their unhappiness with the economic governance into votes, as they are more concerned about their personal security, which many feel only the ruling coalition can offer.''
To contact the reporters on this story: En-Lai Yeoh in Kuala Lumpur at eyeoh1@bloomberg.net ; Stephanie Phang in Kuala Lumpur at sphang@bloomberg.net
Last Updated: February 28, 2008 11:50 EST
Jailed Indian activist to run in Malaysian polls
Jailed Indian activist to run in Malaysian polls
Web posted at: 2/25/2008 12:43:3
Source ::: AFP
http://www.thepeninsulaqatar.com/Display_news.asp?section=World_News&subsection=Rest+of+the+World&month=February2008&file=World_News2008022512433.xml
KUALA LUMPUR • An ethnic Indian activist who is being detained without trial after organising anti-discrimination protests will run in Malaysian's upcoming elections, state media said yesterday.
Manoharan Malayalam will represent the Democratic Action Party (DAP) against the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition incumbent Ching Su Chen, the state Bernama news agency said.
Manoharan is among five leaders of rights group Hindraf who were jailed last December under internal security laws after they organised an unprecedented mass rally claiming discrimination against ethnic Indians here. The Election Commission has said that detainees under the Internal Security Act (ISA) are eligible to contest in the polls, which are expected to deliver another victory to the coalition dominated by Muslim Malays.
"It is clearly stated in the law. The public should be aware that there is a stark difference between detention and imprisonment," the commission's secretary, Kamaruzaman Mohamad Noor, said recently.
Manoharan and the four other Hindraf leaders are being held at the Kamunting detention centre in northern Perak state, some 300km from Kuala Lumpur. The government was criticised after police used tear gas, water cannon and baton charges to break up the November Hindraf street protest which drew at least 8,000 people. Manoharan, a prominent lawyer, contested the 1999 general elections for the DAP but was not successful.
Meanwhile, Malaysian premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi kicked off his election campaign yesterday, vowing to seize a two-thirds majority in polls dominated by ethnic tensions and anger over rising prices.
The Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, which has ruled for half a century, bagged six of the 222 parliamentary seats on nomination day yesterday, after they went uncontested by the opposition.
Abdullah dismissed as a "marriage of convenience" a pact between the three opposition parties who will field just one candidate in each electorate on March 8, avoiding the three-cornered contests that have hurt them in the past. "I want it to be a free, fair and democratic election. I want BN to win... with more than a two-thirds majority," he told reporters.
Web posted at: 2/25/2008 12:43:3
Source ::: AFP
http://www.thepeninsulaqatar.com/Display_news.asp?section=World_News&subsection=Rest+of+the+World&month=February2008&file=World_News2008022512433.xml
KUALA LUMPUR • An ethnic Indian activist who is being detained without trial after organising anti-discrimination protests will run in Malaysian's upcoming elections, state media said yesterday.
Manoharan Malayalam will represent the Democratic Action Party (DAP) against the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition incumbent Ching Su Chen, the state Bernama news agency said.
Manoharan is among five leaders of rights group Hindraf who were jailed last December under internal security laws after they organised an unprecedented mass rally claiming discrimination against ethnic Indians here. The Election Commission has said that detainees under the Internal Security Act (ISA) are eligible to contest in the polls, which are expected to deliver another victory to the coalition dominated by Muslim Malays.
"It is clearly stated in the law. The public should be aware that there is a stark difference between detention and imprisonment," the commission's secretary, Kamaruzaman Mohamad Noor, said recently.
Manoharan and the four other Hindraf leaders are being held at the Kamunting detention centre in northern Perak state, some 300km from Kuala Lumpur. The government was criticised after police used tear gas, water cannon and baton charges to break up the November Hindraf street protest which drew at least 8,000 people. Manoharan, a prominent lawyer, contested the 1999 general elections for the DAP but was not successful.
Meanwhile, Malaysian premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi kicked off his election campaign yesterday, vowing to seize a two-thirds majority in polls dominated by ethnic tensions and anger over rising prices.
The Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, which has ruled for half a century, bagged six of the 222 parliamentary seats on nomination day yesterday, after they went uncontested by the opposition.
Abdullah dismissed as a "marriage of convenience" a pact between the three opposition parties who will field just one candidate in each electorate on March 8, avoiding the three-cornered contests that have hurt them in the past. "I want it to be a free, fair and democratic election. I want BN to win... with more than a two-thirds majority," he told reporters.
GOPIO's letter to Badawi on Malaysian of Indian Origin
GOPIO's Letter to Malaysia 's PM Regarding Malaysians Indians
www.gopio.com
In a February 22, 2008 letter addressed to Prime Minister Honorable Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi of Malaysia , GOPIO International expressed its continuing concern of the hardships faced by Malaysians of Indian Origin. The entire letter is reprinted below.
February 22, 2008
Hon. Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Prime Minister of Malaysia
Kuala Lumpur
Malaysia
Sub: Malaysians of Indian origin
Dear Mr. Prime Minister,
Indians were brought to Malaysia during the British rule to work on rubber plantations, and since then, they have been contributing to the economic growth and prosperity of Malaysia . Today, there are two million Malaysians of Indian Origin who constitute about eight percent of your country's population. But these Malaysians of Indian Origin lack fair and equal treatment in educational resources and job opportunities. Consequently, a significant number of them work as plantation and/or urban underpaid laborers, and hence majority of them are poor and continue to face undue social and economic hardships.
It is well known that Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) has been an integral part of your government's ruling coalition and that the MIC must be claiming to represent the interests and aspirations of their ethnic community. However, Time Magazine reported in 2000 that Indians had the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5%, compared to 19.4% for Malays and 38.5% for Chinese. The highest rate of suicide of any community is among Malaysians of Indian Origin, and gangsterism and violent crime are largely associated with that community. Some 15% of the Malaysians of Indian Origin in the capital, Kuala Lumpur are squatters. Since then, these statistics have not changed much. Obviously, MIC as your Coalition partner has not been able to get fair share for their minority community as their role as coalition partner appears to have been rendered ineffective or irrelevant.
The two million Malaysians of Indian Origin are your country's third largest ethnic group and majority of them are considered to be at the bottom of the social and political ladder. The country got independence in 1957, but the poor Malaysians of Indian Origin have been deprived of their fare share of the prosperity which independence has brought to so many of your countrymen. Malaysians of Indian Origin continue to be economically marginalized and sidelined and are generally seen as providers of cheap labor in plantations and construction sites. Thus, for lack of educational and economic opportunities, they occupy the bottom rung of the Malaysian modern society. Your cabinet colleague, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, while opening a one-day MIC special convention for branch chairmen at the Putra World Trade Centre on February 3, 2008, admitted that there were legitimate aspirations and grievances among the Indian community.
The Global Organization of People of Indian Origin (GOPIO) urges you and your government to be cognizant of the simmering discontent of a large and significant segment of your Malaysian Indian community and request you to promptly take all necessary steps in granting them fair treatment in all affairs of state. Such action as would provide equity and equal opportunities, we believe, would help to alleviate the present condition facing the Malaysian Indian community.
GOPIO, formed in 1989 at the conclusion of five day convention of people of Indian origin in New York , is a non-partisan, non-sectarian, US based global organization with chapters in several countries. GOPIO, since inception, has been actively promoting the interests of people of Indian origin (PIO) worldwide by monitoring and addressing critical issues of concern, and by enhancing cooperation and communication between groups of PIOs living in various countries.
www.gopio.com
In a February 22, 2008 letter addressed to Prime Minister Honorable Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi of Malaysia , GOPIO International expressed its continuing concern of the hardships faced by Malaysians of Indian Origin. The entire letter is reprinted below.
February 22, 2008
Hon. Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Prime Minister of Malaysia
Kuala Lumpur
Malaysia
Sub: Malaysians of Indian origin
Dear Mr. Prime Minister,
Indians were brought to Malaysia during the British rule to work on rubber plantations, and since then, they have been contributing to the economic growth and prosperity of Malaysia . Today, there are two million Malaysians of Indian Origin who constitute about eight percent of your country's population. But these Malaysians of Indian Origin lack fair and equal treatment in educational resources and job opportunities. Consequently, a significant number of them work as plantation and/or urban underpaid laborers, and hence majority of them are poor and continue to face undue social and economic hardships.
It is well known that Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) has been an integral part of your government's ruling coalition and that the MIC must be claiming to represent the interests and aspirations of their ethnic community. However, Time Magazine reported in 2000 that Indians had the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5%, compared to 19.4% for Malays and 38.5% for Chinese. The highest rate of suicide of any community is among Malaysians of Indian Origin, and gangsterism and violent crime are largely associated with that community. Some 15% of the Malaysians of Indian Origin in the capital, Kuala Lumpur are squatters. Since then, these statistics have not changed much. Obviously, MIC as your Coalition partner has not been able to get fair share for their minority community as their role as coalition partner appears to have been rendered ineffective or irrelevant.
The two million Malaysians of Indian Origin are your country's third largest ethnic group and majority of them are considered to be at the bottom of the social and political ladder. The country got independence in 1957, but the poor Malaysians of Indian Origin have been deprived of their fare share of the prosperity which independence has brought to so many of your countrymen. Malaysians of Indian Origin continue to be economically marginalized and sidelined and are generally seen as providers of cheap labor in plantations and construction sites. Thus, for lack of educational and economic opportunities, they occupy the bottom rung of the Malaysian modern society. Your cabinet colleague, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, while opening a one-day MIC special convention for branch chairmen at the Putra World Trade Centre on February 3, 2008, admitted that there were legitimate aspirations and grievances among the Indian community.
The Global Organization of People of Indian Origin (GOPIO) urges you and your government to be cognizant of the simmering discontent of a large and significant segment of your Malaysian Indian community and request you to promptly take all necessary steps in granting them fair treatment in all affairs of state. Such action as would provide equity and equal opportunities, we believe, would help to alleviate the present condition facing the Malaysian Indian community.
GOPIO, formed in 1989 at the conclusion of five day convention of people of Indian origin in New York , is a non-partisan, non-sectarian, US based global organization with chapters in several countries. GOPIO, since inception, has been actively promoting the interests of people of Indian origin (PIO) worldwide by monitoring and addressing critical issues of concern, and by enhancing cooperation and communication between groups of PIOs living in various countries.
Angry Indian voters could dump Malaysian ruling party
http://www.arabtimesonline.com/client/pagesdetails.asp?nid=12843&ccid=11
Angry Indian voters could dump ruling party in elections
RINCHING, Malaysia, Feb 25, (AP): With a small knife, plantation worker Ramalingam Tirumalai makes raw incisions on the rubber trees every morning to harvest the oozing gooey latex.
Just like the gashes on the trees, Ramalingam says, countless wounds have been inflicted by Malaysia's government on the country's ethnic Indian minority, denying them jobs, education, freedom of religion and most of all dignity.
'We have been independent for 50 years,' the stocky 53-year-old man said of his country, Malaysia. 'But there has been no change in the lives of Indians.'
Seething anger among ethnic Indians is likely to singe the government during parliamentary elections on March 8.
No one doubts that the National Front coalition, which has ruled Malaysia since independence in 1957, will return to power. But it is expected to fall short of its 2004 landslide, when it won 91 percent of the seats. Anything less than a two-thirds majority would signal plunging support for Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Voters are upset by rising prices and a surge in urban crime. Ethnic tensions are also at a high, largely because of the increasing influence of Islam in daily life.
'We need a new kind of leadership,' Ramalingam said in an interview near his plantation in Rinching town, about 45 kms (30 miles) from Malaysia's main city, Kuala Lumpur.
The National Front is dominated by the party of the Muslim Malay majority, which make up 60 percent of the country's 27 million people. The Front also has the support of some ethnic Chinese, who are 25 percent of the population, and some Indians, who are eight percent.
Voted
Indians have traditionally voted for the Malaysian Indian Congress, their party in the National Front.
But now the Indians will 'definitely vote for the opposition,' said S. Nagarajan of the Education, Welfare and Research Foundation, a nonprofit group that represents impoverished ethnic Indians. 'This time there is raw anger.'
Indian voters could make a difference in 62 of the 222 constituencies, said Denison Jayasooriya, a political analyst who specializes in Indian affairs.
At the time of independence, most Malaysians were poor, regardless of race. An affirmative action program gives Malays preferences in university admission and government jobs, discounted homes and a mandatory 30 percent share of all publicly listed companies.
The program lifted the Malay standard of living. The Chinese, already well established in business, continued to flourish. The Indians, however, remained at the bottom of the barrel.
The government denies discriminating against Indians, citing statistics that show the poverty rate among Malays is higher than for Indians. But analysts say the statistics are skewed because the Malay figure includes indigenous tribes that are extremely poor and not ethnically Malay.
Infuriated
Indians were also infuriated when municipal authorities destroyed several Indian temples last year because they were deemed to have been built illegally.
The disenchantment exploded on Nov 25 when about 20,000 Indians demonstrated in Kuala Lumpur. Several smaller demonstrations have taken place since.
Much of the anger is directed at Samy Vellu, head of the Malaysian Indian Congress party. He is perceived as corrupt and unable to bring about change for Indians.
Campaigning last week, he was booed and pelted with eggs, shoes and sandals.
Samy insists the government has done much to uplift Indians.
'It is not that the Indian community is 50 years backward,' he said. 'Maybe you minus about 40-45 years from the 50. They may be five years backward' compared to the rest of the population.
About 85 percent of the ethnic Indians are descendants of indentured laborers brought by the British to work on rubber plantations in the 19th century. The work, where it remains, pays about 200 ringgit ($60; 40 euros) a month.
Many plantations were turned into golf courses and luxury home communities in the 1980s and 1990s. The workers lost their jobs and the free housing and schooling that was included.
Other plantations were converted to palm oil, which does not require the skills of rubber tapping, and the Indians were replaced with Indonesian immigrants at lower wages.
Most of the former Bukit Jalil rubber estate in Kuala Lumpur was cleared for stadiums and athlete housing for the 1995 Commonwealth Games.
Former workers still live on the last 16-hectare (40-acre) patch, which is slated to become a graveyard. The residents have been classified as squatters and offered two-room rental apartments in a nearby low-cost housing development. Their school and temple will be relocated inside the burial ground, a proposal that has incensed the residents.
'My age is 43 years. I have lived here for 43 years. How can I be a squatter?' said Shanti Vasupillai. 'All I am asking for is our rights.'
'Most probably the elections will be a shock for the government,' she said. 'I can promise you most Indians will vote for opposition this time.'
Angry Indian voters could dump ruling party in elections
RINCHING, Malaysia, Feb 25, (AP): With a small knife, plantation worker Ramalingam Tirumalai makes raw incisions on the rubber trees every morning to harvest the oozing gooey latex.
Just like the gashes on the trees, Ramalingam says, countless wounds have been inflicted by Malaysia's government on the country's ethnic Indian minority, denying them jobs, education, freedom of religion and most of all dignity.
'We have been independent for 50 years,' the stocky 53-year-old man said of his country, Malaysia. 'But there has been no change in the lives of Indians.'
Seething anger among ethnic Indians is likely to singe the government during parliamentary elections on March 8.
No one doubts that the National Front coalition, which has ruled Malaysia since independence in 1957, will return to power. But it is expected to fall short of its 2004 landslide, when it won 91 percent of the seats. Anything less than a two-thirds majority would signal plunging support for Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Voters are upset by rising prices and a surge in urban crime. Ethnic tensions are also at a high, largely because of the increasing influence of Islam in daily life.
'We need a new kind of leadership,' Ramalingam said in an interview near his plantation in Rinching town, about 45 kms (30 miles) from Malaysia's main city, Kuala Lumpur.
The National Front is dominated by the party of the Muslim Malay majority, which make up 60 percent of the country's 27 million people. The Front also has the support of some ethnic Chinese, who are 25 percent of the population, and some Indians, who are eight percent.
Voted
Indians have traditionally voted for the Malaysian Indian Congress, their party in the National Front.
But now the Indians will 'definitely vote for the opposition,' said S. Nagarajan of the Education, Welfare and Research Foundation, a nonprofit group that represents impoverished ethnic Indians. 'This time there is raw anger.'
Indian voters could make a difference in 62 of the 222 constituencies, said Denison Jayasooriya, a political analyst who specializes in Indian affairs.
At the time of independence, most Malaysians were poor, regardless of race. An affirmative action program gives Malays preferences in university admission and government jobs, discounted homes and a mandatory 30 percent share of all publicly listed companies.
The program lifted the Malay standard of living. The Chinese, already well established in business, continued to flourish. The Indians, however, remained at the bottom of the barrel.
The government denies discriminating against Indians, citing statistics that show the poverty rate among Malays is higher than for Indians. But analysts say the statistics are skewed because the Malay figure includes indigenous tribes that are extremely poor and not ethnically Malay.
Infuriated
Indians were also infuriated when municipal authorities destroyed several Indian temples last year because they were deemed to have been built illegally.
The disenchantment exploded on Nov 25 when about 20,000 Indians demonstrated in Kuala Lumpur. Several smaller demonstrations have taken place since.
Much of the anger is directed at Samy Vellu, head of the Malaysian Indian Congress party. He is perceived as corrupt and unable to bring about change for Indians.
Campaigning last week, he was booed and pelted with eggs, shoes and sandals.
Samy insists the government has done much to uplift Indians.
'It is not that the Indian community is 50 years backward,' he said. 'Maybe you minus about 40-45 years from the 50. They may be five years backward' compared to the rest of the population.
About 85 percent of the ethnic Indians are descendants of indentured laborers brought by the British to work on rubber plantations in the 19th century. The work, where it remains, pays about 200 ringgit ($60; 40 euros) a month.
Many plantations were turned into golf courses and luxury home communities in the 1980s and 1990s. The workers lost their jobs and the free housing and schooling that was included.
Other plantations were converted to palm oil, which does not require the skills of rubber tapping, and the Indians were replaced with Indonesian immigrants at lower wages.
Most of the former Bukit Jalil rubber estate in Kuala Lumpur was cleared for stadiums and athlete housing for the 1995 Commonwealth Games.
Former workers still live on the last 16-hectare (40-acre) patch, which is slated to become a graveyard. The residents have been classified as squatters and offered two-room rental apartments in a nearby low-cost housing development. Their school and temple will be relocated inside the burial ground, a proposal that has incensed the residents.
'My age is 43 years. I have lived here for 43 years. How can I be a squatter?' said Shanti Vasupillai. 'All I am asking for is our rights.'
'Most probably the elections will be a shock for the government,' she said. 'I can promise you most Indians will vote for opposition this time.'
Tertiary education problems faced by Malaysian Indians
Quality tertiary education a core issue among Indians
Prof Datuk Dr T. Marimuthu
http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Thursday/National/2171729/Article/index_html
2008/02/28
MY relationship with MIC started in the early 1970s when I was involved in the education committee of the party while I was with the University of Malaya as the professor of social psychology in the Faculty of Education.
During that time, I was the founder president of the Educational Welfare and Research Foundation but not an MIC member.
I was doing a lot of social work, especially in the area of education for Indians and that is how I came to be involved with the party's education committee during the time of Tan Sri V. Manikavasagam.
At that time, politics was a "dirty" word -- professionals did not want to have anything to do with it, now everybody wants to get into politics for their own reasons.
My formal ties with MIC only started when they invited me to contest the Teluk Kemang parliamentary seat in 1990 because I was known to the party leadership.
I served one term as a member of parliament until 1995 and in the upper house for two terms from 1996 to 2006.
To me, being an MP was very different from being in the "ivory towers" of education.It was a drastic change for me to go on the ground and meet constituents to find out their issues and problems.
It was not that I was not used to getting down to the grassroots, but at that time, there was no ICT, no modern handphones like today to facilitate communication.
Datuk Seri S.Samy Vellu had given us an appointment letter and this big cell phone set that we had to lug around.
Teluk Kemang was a rural constituency and the issues were pretty much "common" rural problems such as roads, drainage, flood mitigation, housing and employment opportunities. This is where my first degree in rural economics came in useful.
After six months of running around, I got the hang of it.
Comparatively, demands placed on us at that time were not that high, partly because we did not have that much money to give around.
Now, it's a whole different scenario, constituents are educated and very demanding. They watch satellite television and they are constantly in the know of what is happening.
And they deliver their expectations and demands directly to their representatives and expect instant response and results.
To put it simply, the whole electorate is politicised!
I view this as a dilemma that current representatives face. But the good thing about it is that more professionals are being fielded as candidates these days.
This is very different from the time when I was given a seat, when, even my colleagues at the university were wondering why I agreed to contest. Before, representatives were made up of school teachers and small businessmen.
The other apparent change is how the education system has evolved. The poor have better access to education because of grants and free textbooks channelled to them. And the Tamil school system has certainly changed for the better from various aspects.
For one, there is significant improvement in terms of facilities and infrastructure while the performance of students have also improved.
Enrolment has also improved; middle class parents today appreciate the value of a Tamil school education.
And if in 1992, a survey revealed that 40 per cent of teachers in Tamil schools were temporary staff, now 98 per cent of them are fully trained and full-time teachers.
Even now, through the MIC, we give out free workbooks to Tamil school children, have tuition programmes for them and also organise leadership courses for principals and teachers, all for the sake of improving standards in Tamil schools.
The challenge now is for elected representatives to look at how to address the financial issues faced by kids who have done well when they reach form five. How can they enjoy quality tertiary education? This must be their focus because it is currently one of the most important issues facing the Indian community.
The other issues demanding attention are employment opportunities for the Indians and also on the issue of religion and culture.
There is also the issue of plantation workers, having been relocated to urban surroundings but being housed in longhouses for long periods, of up to 15 years in certain cases. -- Interview by Jennifer Gomez
Professor Datuk Dr T. Marimuthu is chairman of the education committee in the MIC
Prof Datuk Dr T. Marimuthu
http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Thursday/National/2171729/Article/index_html
2008/02/28
MY relationship with MIC started in the early 1970s when I was involved in the education committee of the party while I was with the University of Malaya as the professor of social psychology in the Faculty of Education.
During that time, I was the founder president of the Educational Welfare and Research Foundation but not an MIC member.
I was doing a lot of social work, especially in the area of education for Indians and that is how I came to be involved with the party's education committee during the time of Tan Sri V. Manikavasagam.
At that time, politics was a "dirty" word -- professionals did not want to have anything to do with it, now everybody wants to get into politics for their own reasons.
My formal ties with MIC only started when they invited me to contest the Teluk Kemang parliamentary seat in 1990 because I was known to the party leadership.
I served one term as a member of parliament until 1995 and in the upper house for two terms from 1996 to 2006.
To me, being an MP was very different from being in the "ivory towers" of education.It was a drastic change for me to go on the ground and meet constituents to find out their issues and problems.
It was not that I was not used to getting down to the grassroots, but at that time, there was no ICT, no modern handphones like today to facilitate communication.
Datuk Seri S.Samy Vellu had given us an appointment letter and this big cell phone set that we had to lug around.
Teluk Kemang was a rural constituency and the issues were pretty much "common" rural problems such as roads, drainage, flood mitigation, housing and employment opportunities. This is where my first degree in rural economics came in useful.
After six months of running around, I got the hang of it.
Comparatively, demands placed on us at that time were not that high, partly because we did not have that much money to give around.
Now, it's a whole different scenario, constituents are educated and very demanding. They watch satellite television and they are constantly in the know of what is happening.
And they deliver their expectations and demands directly to their representatives and expect instant response and results.
To put it simply, the whole electorate is politicised!
I view this as a dilemma that current representatives face. But the good thing about it is that more professionals are being fielded as candidates these days.
This is very different from the time when I was given a seat, when, even my colleagues at the university were wondering why I agreed to contest. Before, representatives were made up of school teachers and small businessmen.
The other apparent change is how the education system has evolved. The poor have better access to education because of grants and free textbooks channelled to them. And the Tamil school system has certainly changed for the better from various aspects.
For one, there is significant improvement in terms of facilities and infrastructure while the performance of students have also improved.
Enrolment has also improved; middle class parents today appreciate the value of a Tamil school education.
And if in 1992, a survey revealed that 40 per cent of teachers in Tamil schools were temporary staff, now 98 per cent of them are fully trained and full-time teachers.
Even now, through the MIC, we give out free workbooks to Tamil school children, have tuition programmes for them and also organise leadership courses for principals and teachers, all for the sake of improving standards in Tamil schools.
The challenge now is for elected representatives to look at how to address the financial issues faced by kids who have done well when they reach form five. How can they enjoy quality tertiary education? This must be their focus because it is currently one of the most important issues facing the Indian community.
The other issues demanding attention are employment opportunities for the Indians and also on the issue of religion and culture.
There is also the issue of plantation workers, having been relocated to urban surroundings but being housed in longhouses for long periods, of up to 15 years in certain cases. -- Interview by Jennifer Gomez
Professor Datuk Dr T. Marimuthu is chairman of the education committee in the MIC
Malaysian Ethnic Cleansing Video
Malaysian Ethnic Cleansing Video --
http://uk.youtube.com/watch?v=IgTbv2tR6sY
http://uk.youtube.com/watch?v=IgTbv2tR6sY
Tuesday, February 26, 2008
Am I naive to expect equality in Malaysia?
Am I naive to expect equality in Malaysia?
Malaysian for Equality | Feb 25, 08 4:00pm
http://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/78634
A country without equality for all is a country without conscience. For many decades, non-Malay Malaysians have been living amidst the NEP and see the bumiputeras getting scholarships, university places, business licenses, government jobs, etc., that are almost unavailable to non-bumi Malaysians. Non-bumis ask, 'Why is this happening and continuing to happen; are not all Malaysians equal? Non-Malay Malaysians have for decades been unable to explain to their children why the colour of skin matters so much in Malaysia.
Why are colours of skin and names used to separate Malaysians? How can non-bumi Malaysians explain to their children that meritocracy does not count but colour of skin does? Why are there so few bumi Malaysians speaking out against this inequality that has been occurring for almost four decades? I believe the non-bumis thought it will end after a short period of time so they said, 'It is alright. Just tolerate for a few more years'. But it looks like the NEP and Ketuanan Melayu will go on and on. When will this end? Can someone from Umno tell Malaysia when it will end?
I know it is a dream but is it wrong for all Malaysians to dream of equality for all? Is this illegal and morally wrong in Malaysia? Why should Malaysians be arrested under the ISA if they wish to see a Malaysia that upholds equality for all? Why would Malay politicians who champion equality for all like Anwar Ibrahim be branded a 'traitor' by his fellow Malays?
Should not all conscientious bumiputeras support equality for all? Surely, there are poor Malays, Chinese and Indians. We should help them based on income and not implement polices based on the colour of one's skin. Why do politicians from the MCA and MIC not tell their Umno brothers to go for equality and meritocracy? Is equality morally wrong? How can someone from MCA and MIC be elected representatives and not champion equality for all? I do hope they can explain this to their fellow Malaysians.
I really want to know why they are in government and not championing equality. Am I being naVve to expect equality in Malaysia? What is it that I do not know? Is the present situation favoring the bumis crucial for national security? Please educate the non-bumi Malaysians on this.
Why would Umno not uphold equality for all Malaysians? Our country will move by leaps and bounds if we remove the disunity that is being caused by politicians talking about Ketuanan Melayu (or Malay supremacy) and the NEP.
The international and local media keep on painting the picture that Chinese Malaysians control a big portion of the Malaysian economy. Are they behind time or getting the wrong statistics? Perhaps there are a few (only a few) rich Chinese who are lucky to have dominant stakes in Malaysian economy. They are the exceptional few. I get together with my Chinese friends from high school from time to time and they were all good students in secondary school based on their MCE and HSC examinations.
Many could not afford to go to universities and could not get places even though they qualified. None of them are making the big money and many are struggling in their businesses and jobs to making ends meet. Where are the many rich Chinese? Who is really controlling the Malaysian economy today? Is it really the Chinese who are dominant in the economy? I beg to differ.
There are only a few rich Chinese. The rest are struggling to keep afloat as they have to work hard to save and pay for the education of their children overseas or in twinning programmes. How can the majority of Chinese and Indians and their children look forward to the future when Umno will be returned to power with a big majority and Umno leaders will continue to champion Ketuanan Melayu and the NEP so that they can keep their power bases? Meritocracy and equality are unheard of in Umno general assemblies.
Why would so few bumi professionals come forward and support equality when they have studied in the US, UK, Europe, Australia, etc.? Why would championing equality lead to jail for some? Why wouldn't bumi professionals and politicians embrace their fellow Chinese and Indian Malaysians and tell them we are one nation where everyone is equal under the Malaysian sun?
Malaysia will certainly leap to greater heights if all Malaysians go for equality, embrace meritocracy and really implement policies that are not race-based but Malaysian-based. You will see a very strong Malaysia that would be the envy of its neighbors. Malaysians of all races are smart, hard-working, and educated and when they come together and work together, they will create synergies and create more economic growth that will propel our country to great heights.
Malaysians have unfortunately been living under a very strange system for so many decades where equality is not being supported by governmental institutions. Why is that so? Can we allcome forward and support equality for all Malaysians regardless of race, gender, background, religious belief etc? Can divisions and disunity stop? If there are poor Malaysians, by all means help them.
I really look forward to the day when all Malaysians are together as one nation and all Malaysians are indeed equal under the Malaysian sun. As Martin Luther King, said, 'I have a dream'. All Malaysians should strive for this 'equality' dream.
Malaysian for Equality | Feb 25, 08 4:00pm
http://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/78634
A country without equality for all is a country without conscience. For many decades, non-Malay Malaysians have been living amidst the NEP and see the bumiputeras getting scholarships, university places, business licenses, government jobs, etc., that are almost unavailable to non-bumi Malaysians. Non-bumis ask, 'Why is this happening and continuing to happen; are not all Malaysians equal? Non-Malay Malaysians have for decades been unable to explain to their children why the colour of skin matters so much in Malaysia.
Why are colours of skin and names used to separate Malaysians? How can non-bumi Malaysians explain to their children that meritocracy does not count but colour of skin does? Why are there so few bumi Malaysians speaking out against this inequality that has been occurring for almost four decades? I believe the non-bumis thought it will end after a short period of time so they said, 'It is alright. Just tolerate for a few more years'. But it looks like the NEP and Ketuanan Melayu will go on and on. When will this end? Can someone from Umno tell Malaysia when it will end?
I know it is a dream but is it wrong for all Malaysians to dream of equality for all? Is this illegal and morally wrong in Malaysia? Why should Malaysians be arrested under the ISA if they wish to see a Malaysia that upholds equality for all? Why would Malay politicians who champion equality for all like Anwar Ibrahim be branded a 'traitor' by his fellow Malays?
Should not all conscientious bumiputeras support equality for all? Surely, there are poor Malays, Chinese and Indians. We should help them based on income and not implement polices based on the colour of one's skin. Why do politicians from the MCA and MIC not tell their Umno brothers to go for equality and meritocracy? Is equality morally wrong? How can someone from MCA and MIC be elected representatives and not champion equality for all? I do hope they can explain this to their fellow Malaysians.
I really want to know why they are in government and not championing equality. Am I being naVve to expect equality in Malaysia? What is it that I do not know? Is the present situation favoring the bumis crucial for national security? Please educate the non-bumi Malaysians on this.
Why would Umno not uphold equality for all Malaysians? Our country will move by leaps and bounds if we remove the disunity that is being caused by politicians talking about Ketuanan Melayu (or Malay supremacy) and the NEP.
The international and local media keep on painting the picture that Chinese Malaysians control a big portion of the Malaysian economy. Are they behind time or getting the wrong statistics? Perhaps there are a few (only a few) rich Chinese who are lucky to have dominant stakes in Malaysian economy. They are the exceptional few. I get together with my Chinese friends from high school from time to time and they were all good students in secondary school based on their MCE and HSC examinations.
Many could not afford to go to universities and could not get places even though they qualified. None of them are making the big money and many are struggling in their businesses and jobs to making ends meet. Where are the many rich Chinese? Who is really controlling the Malaysian economy today? Is it really the Chinese who are dominant in the economy? I beg to differ.
There are only a few rich Chinese. The rest are struggling to keep afloat as they have to work hard to save and pay for the education of their children overseas or in twinning programmes. How can the majority of Chinese and Indians and their children look forward to the future when Umno will be returned to power with a big majority and Umno leaders will continue to champion Ketuanan Melayu and the NEP so that they can keep their power bases? Meritocracy and equality are unheard of in Umno general assemblies.
Why would so few bumi professionals come forward and support equality when they have studied in the US, UK, Europe, Australia, etc.? Why would championing equality lead to jail for some? Why wouldn't bumi professionals and politicians embrace their fellow Chinese and Indian Malaysians and tell them we are one nation where everyone is equal under the Malaysian sun?
Malaysia will certainly leap to greater heights if all Malaysians go for equality, embrace meritocracy and really implement policies that are not race-based but Malaysian-based. You will see a very strong Malaysia that would be the envy of its neighbors. Malaysians of all races are smart, hard-working, and educated and when they come together and work together, they will create synergies and create more economic growth that will propel our country to great heights.
Malaysians have unfortunately been living under a very strange system for so many decades where equality is not being supported by governmental institutions. Why is that so? Can we allcome forward and support equality for all Malaysians regardless of race, gender, background, religious belief etc? Can divisions and disunity stop? If there are poor Malaysians, by all means help them.
I really look forward to the day when all Malaysians are together as one nation and all Malaysians are indeed equal under the Malaysian sun. As Martin Luther King, said, 'I have a dream'. All Malaysians should strive for this 'equality' dream.
Sunday, February 24, 2008
Apartheid, Malaysian style
Discrimination of Malaysian Indian shows some similarities with the apartheid of South Africa
Visit Malaysia in 2008?
http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20080222.F06&irec=5
After Malaysia just had it's "Visit Malaysia" year there is little reason why someone would want to visit this country in 2008. The stream of disturbing news and incidents just does not seem to come to an end.
Most severe is certainly the discrimination of its ethnic Indian citizens, which starts to show some similarities with the apartheid politics, as formerly known, from South Africa.
Denying people basic rights to demonstrate against their obvious discrimination and indefinitely detaining activists without any trial is simply beyond any standard of civilization.
It is not only racial, but also religious discrimination which seems to be pursued by the Malaysian Authorities.
Thanks to them, now God is to be used with a copyright: Allah (c) -- is only to be used by Muslims despite the fact that Christians referred to God as Allah even before Mohammed was born.
After all, there is only one God. This sort of narrow minded religious understanding would deserve merely a raised eyebrow if it would not sadly affect the lives of Christians in Malaysia.
And finally there have been too many incidents about forced last-minute-conversions from Christians to Muslims, resulting in a Muslim burial. With this attitude, it may seem logical that Sharia court rulings are happily applied to non-Muslims also.
In which direction is Malaysia heading? For now it is certainly the wrong one. Who would want to visit a country like this, where behind the shiny facade too much is rotten?
Therefore Malaysia should be boycotted as a tourism destination in 2008 -- hopefully there will be more inviting news in 2009.
DIETMAR HANZEN
Bangkok
Visit Malaysia in 2008?
http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20080222.F06&irec=5
After Malaysia just had it's "Visit Malaysia" year there is little reason why someone would want to visit this country in 2008. The stream of disturbing news and incidents just does not seem to come to an end.
Most severe is certainly the discrimination of its ethnic Indian citizens, which starts to show some similarities with the apartheid politics, as formerly known, from South Africa.
Denying people basic rights to demonstrate against their obvious discrimination and indefinitely detaining activists without any trial is simply beyond any standard of civilization.
It is not only racial, but also religious discrimination which seems to be pursued by the Malaysian Authorities.
Thanks to them, now God is to be used with a copyright: Allah (c) -- is only to be used by Muslims despite the fact that Christians referred to God as Allah even before Mohammed was born.
After all, there is only one God. This sort of narrow minded religious understanding would deserve merely a raised eyebrow if it would not sadly affect the lives of Christians in Malaysia.
And finally there have been too many incidents about forced last-minute-conversions from Christians to Muslims, resulting in a Muslim burial. With this attitude, it may seem logical that Sharia court rulings are happily applied to non-Muslims also.
In which direction is Malaysia heading? For now it is certainly the wrong one. Who would want to visit a country like this, where behind the shiny facade too much is rotten?
Therefore Malaysia should be boycotted as a tourism destination in 2008 -- hopefully there will be more inviting news in 2009.
DIETMAR HANZEN
Bangkok
Protest against discrimination by Malaysian government
http://www.weeklyblitz.net/index.php?subaction=showfull&id=1203631557&archive=&start_from=&ucat=4&cat=4
Protest against discriminatory policies of the Malaysian government
Several dozens Americans of diverse religious and ethnic origins, including several Hindus of Malaysian descent, gathered in front of the Malaysian Consulate in Los Angeles, California, on February 16, 2008, to protest discriminatory policies of the Malaysian government and the ongoing detention of the leaders of the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF). The rally, co-sponsored by the Hindu American Foundation (HAF), a U.S. based human rights group, was held just one day after another peaceful demonstration was brutally ended with tear gas, chemical laced water cannons and the arrests of 160 Malaysian Hindus, including children, in the Malaysian capital of Kuala Lumpur.
"The Malaysian government's policies vis a vis Indians is nothing less than ethnic apartheid," said Samir Kalra, a recent addition to the HAF Executive Council. "The increasingly brutal repression, rampant discrimination and neglect of the Indian minority, lack of basic human rights -- including that of peaceful assembly -- enshrined under Malaysia's constitution and international law, and a creeping Islamization of an ostensibly secular civil society can no longer be ignored."
The HAF protest rally co-sponsored in Los Angeles coincided with similar rallies held in New York, London, Dublin, Brussels, Melbourne, Auckland, New Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Singapore, and Jakarta over the weekend. The "rose rally" held in Malaysia's capital, Kuala Lumpur, where demonstrators carried roses, was to symbolize the ethnic Indian struggle for equal rights and for an end to policies of religious apartheid favoring Muslim Malays.
In an effort to suppress the rally, the Malaysian government blocked all roads leading into Kuala Lumpur, and "racially profiled" ethnic Indians traveling into the city, even pulling them off buses. HAF condemned the repressive tactics employed by Malaysian authorities to break up the protest, including the use of tear gas and physical force today. HAF has received reports from Malaysia that the police, beyond the approximately two hundred people, including women and children that were arrested, detained nearly 5,000 Hindus.
PRESS RELEASE
Posted on 21 Feb 2008 by Root
Protest against discriminatory policies of the Malaysian government
Several dozens Americans of diverse religious and ethnic origins, including several Hindus of Malaysian descent, gathered in front of the Malaysian Consulate in Los Angeles, California, on February 16, 2008, to protest discriminatory policies of the Malaysian government and the ongoing detention of the leaders of the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF). The rally, co-sponsored by the Hindu American Foundation (HAF), a U.S. based human rights group, was held just one day after another peaceful demonstration was brutally ended with tear gas, chemical laced water cannons and the arrests of 160 Malaysian Hindus, including children, in the Malaysian capital of Kuala Lumpur.
"The Malaysian government's policies vis a vis Indians is nothing less than ethnic apartheid," said Samir Kalra, a recent addition to the HAF Executive Council. "The increasingly brutal repression, rampant discrimination and neglect of the Indian minority, lack of basic human rights -- including that of peaceful assembly -- enshrined under Malaysia's constitution and international law, and a creeping Islamization of an ostensibly secular civil society can no longer be ignored."
The HAF protest rally co-sponsored in Los Angeles coincided with similar rallies held in New York, London, Dublin, Brussels, Melbourne, Auckland, New Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Singapore, and Jakarta over the weekend. The "rose rally" held in Malaysia's capital, Kuala Lumpur, where demonstrators carried roses, was to symbolize the ethnic Indian struggle for equal rights and for an end to policies of religious apartheid favoring Muslim Malays.
In an effort to suppress the rally, the Malaysian government blocked all roads leading into Kuala Lumpur, and "racially profiled" ethnic Indians traveling into the city, even pulling them off buses. HAF condemned the repressive tactics employed by Malaysian authorities to break up the protest, including the use of tear gas and physical force today. HAF has received reports from Malaysia that the police, beyond the approximately two hundred people, including women and children that were arrested, detained nearly 5,000 Hindus.
PRESS RELEASE
Posted on 21 Feb 2008 by Root
Malaysia's endangered newspapers
http://www.asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1061&Itemid=31
Malaysian Newspaper Forced to Shut Up
Jed Yoong
22 February 2008
A tycoon snaps up Malaysia's last independent daily newspaper
With national elections nearing, independent daily newspapering in Malaysia appears to be an endangered species with the recent purchase of the only unfettered English-language daily, The Sun, by controversial tycoon Vincent Tan, who reportedly has already begun to make distressing changes. Outspoken political editor Zainon Ahmad has been relegated to "consultant editor" and a new editor-in-chief, Chong Cheng Hai, replaced the respected Ho Kay Tat.
As an indication of how endangered the press is in Malaysia, the Bangkok-based Southeast Asian Press Alliance issued a statement on February 21 noting that two newspapers regarded as more critical than other mainstream media have not yet had their annual licenses renewed. Citing local sources, SEAPA said the two "have had to show a different slant after Parliament was dissolved on 13 February to make way for a general election on 8 March."
Like all newspapers in Malaysia, the two, the Tamil-language Makkal Osai and the Chinese Oriental Daily, risk losing their licenses if they criticize the government too strongly. "We are concerned that the requirement for a publication permit has been effective in silencing critical voices and controlling any attempt for editorial independence," SEAPA said in its statement.
A local political blog, Screenshots, edited by Jeff Ooi, reported that at a dinner on the eve of the Lunar New Year attended by Selangor Chief Minister Khir Toyo, a representative of the new owners of the Sun told staff that all criticism of Khir and his government had to stop, including instances of poor governance in Selangor State, the territory surrounding the Kuala Lumpur federal territory, and notably the suburbs of Petaling Jaya, Ampang Jaya and Subang Jaya.
The Sun's deputy news editor and columnist R Nadeswaran told Asia Sentinel in a telephone interview: "No one is going to boss me around," adding that as far as he knows there has been no change in editorial policy. However, he acknowledged that in a meeting with Khir, "accusations were thrown around" but declined to elaborate. He also said he has no plans to leave the paper.
Tan, a longtime crony of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, heads Berjaya Group, a corporate empire that includes a lottery and property development. Tan himself is at the center of Malaysia's biggest judicial scandal since independence, in which a prominent lawyer, V K Lingam, was videotaped in conversation with the country's third-highest ranking judge seeking to fix judicial appointees favorable to Tan. According to testimony at a Royal Commission looking into the scandal, Lingam also personally wrote a RM$10 million libel judgment in Tan's favor when he was Tan's attorney in the case and had it delivered to the judge who read it in court. The Sun has reported fully on that issue as well, a least until now.
Tan bought the paper from Tong Kooi Ong, a businessman who founded and built one of the country's most successful and innovative banks, PhileoAllied Bank. Tong retained control of The Edge, a business daily and weekly, and Ho remains editor of that publication. Tong is also regarded as a close associate of former deputy premier and finance minister Anwar Ibrahim, now the de facto leader of the country's umbrella of opposition parties.
Since it changed hands, the tone of the paper, which has a daily circulation of about 265,000 copies, has become more mainstream. A recent front-page featured the embattled and scandal-scarred Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) leader S. Samy Vellu, who is also Public Works Minister and has been in the Malaysian cabinet for decades.
Media freedom in Malaysia has been a myth at least since Mahathir temporarily revoked the licenses of the English language Star and the leading Chinese daily, Sin Chew Jit Poh, in 1987. From then, the industry has toed the government line and shied away from reporting controversial issues. Publishers are caught in a tight spot because of the annual license renewal by the Ministry of Home Affairs. The Printing Presses and Publications Act also has draconian regulations on sedition that can be broadly interpreted. Generally, licenses can be revoked without room for review, and have been.
All of Malaysia's mainstream media companies are controlled by components of the Barisan Nasional, the ruling coalition of ethnic political parties, either directly or through proxies. The United Malays National Organisation, the country's largest party, which represents ethnic Malays and leads the coalition, owns the New Straits Times Press stable of newspapers through Media Prima Bhd. This includes the English-language New Straits Times and two Malay-language papers, Berita Harian and Harian Metro, and television stations TV3 and NTV7. The Malaysian Chinese Association owns The Star and Sin Chew Jit Poh through its investment arm, Huaren. The Malaysian Indian Congress owns the Tamil-language Nesan.
Under such a repressive environment, it's a feat that The Sun rocked the boat at all. Nadeswaran exposed a series of dubious transactions inside the Selangor state government and a RM4.6 billion (US$1.42 billion) Port Klang Free Zone scandal, which implicated Transport Minister and MCA deputy president Chan Kong Choy as well as UMNO personalities. The paper has also given significant coverage to opposition parties, something they don't get in the government-controlled press.
When Tan took control of the paper a few weeks ago, no one really blinked. Most observers expected the good times to end, especially with the general election coming. The only good side is that this time moderation has been bought with cash instead of harsh laws like the Internal Security Act, which allows persons deemed to be a threat to national security to be detained without trial. The act is often used to silence political dissidents.
Under Abdullah Badawi, the media has been more vocal than under Mahathir although newspapers and television are still constrained by their political ownsership. As a result, blogs and internet media have flourished. The online news portal Malaysiakini led the way in 1999 in the wake of the reformasi movement sparked by Anwar's abrupt sacking and subsequent jailing on charges of sexual perversion and corruption, which were widely viewed as trumped up.
Information Minister Zainuddin Maidin frequently warns bloggers or attempts to discredit them. One, Nathaniel Tan, has been arrested and charged. After Tan was taken into police custody, friends and families could not contact or locate him for about seven hours. Two others are being sued for defamation by the NST and its editors. Although mostly a personal spat, some see the civil suit as intimidation aimed at silencing freedom of speech.
Malaysian Newspaper Forced to Shut Up
Jed Yoong
22 February 2008
A tycoon snaps up Malaysia's last independent daily newspaper
With national elections nearing, independent daily newspapering in Malaysia appears to be an endangered species with the recent purchase of the only unfettered English-language daily, The Sun, by controversial tycoon Vincent Tan, who reportedly has already begun to make distressing changes. Outspoken political editor Zainon Ahmad has been relegated to "consultant editor" and a new editor-in-chief, Chong Cheng Hai, replaced the respected Ho Kay Tat.
As an indication of how endangered the press is in Malaysia, the Bangkok-based Southeast Asian Press Alliance issued a statement on February 21 noting that two newspapers regarded as more critical than other mainstream media have not yet had their annual licenses renewed. Citing local sources, SEAPA said the two "have had to show a different slant after Parliament was dissolved on 13 February to make way for a general election on 8 March."
Like all newspapers in Malaysia, the two, the Tamil-language Makkal Osai and the Chinese Oriental Daily, risk losing their licenses if they criticize the government too strongly. "We are concerned that the requirement for a publication permit has been effective in silencing critical voices and controlling any attempt for editorial independence," SEAPA said in its statement.
A local political blog, Screenshots, edited by Jeff Ooi, reported that at a dinner on the eve of the Lunar New Year attended by Selangor Chief Minister Khir Toyo, a representative of the new owners of the Sun told staff that all criticism of Khir and his government had to stop, including instances of poor governance in Selangor State, the territory surrounding the Kuala Lumpur federal territory, and notably the suburbs of Petaling Jaya, Ampang Jaya and Subang Jaya.
The Sun's deputy news editor and columnist R Nadeswaran told Asia Sentinel in a telephone interview: "No one is going to boss me around," adding that as far as he knows there has been no change in editorial policy. However, he acknowledged that in a meeting with Khir, "accusations were thrown around" but declined to elaborate. He also said he has no plans to leave the paper.
Tan, a longtime crony of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, heads Berjaya Group, a corporate empire that includes a lottery and property development. Tan himself is at the center of Malaysia's biggest judicial scandal since independence, in which a prominent lawyer, V K Lingam, was videotaped in conversation with the country's third-highest ranking judge seeking to fix judicial appointees favorable to Tan. According to testimony at a Royal Commission looking into the scandal, Lingam also personally wrote a RM$10 million libel judgment in Tan's favor when he was Tan's attorney in the case and had it delivered to the judge who read it in court. The Sun has reported fully on that issue as well, a least until now.
Tan bought the paper from Tong Kooi Ong, a businessman who founded and built one of the country's most successful and innovative banks, PhileoAllied Bank. Tong retained control of The Edge, a business daily and weekly, and Ho remains editor of that publication. Tong is also regarded as a close associate of former deputy premier and finance minister Anwar Ibrahim, now the de facto leader of the country's umbrella of opposition parties.
Since it changed hands, the tone of the paper, which has a daily circulation of about 265,000 copies, has become more mainstream. A recent front-page featured the embattled and scandal-scarred Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) leader S. Samy Vellu, who is also Public Works Minister and has been in the Malaysian cabinet for decades.
Media freedom in Malaysia has been a myth at least since Mahathir temporarily revoked the licenses of the English language Star and the leading Chinese daily, Sin Chew Jit Poh, in 1987. From then, the industry has toed the government line and shied away from reporting controversial issues. Publishers are caught in a tight spot because of the annual license renewal by the Ministry of Home Affairs. The Printing Presses and Publications Act also has draconian regulations on sedition that can be broadly interpreted. Generally, licenses can be revoked without room for review, and have been.
All of Malaysia's mainstream media companies are controlled by components of the Barisan Nasional, the ruling coalition of ethnic political parties, either directly or through proxies. The United Malays National Organisation, the country's largest party, which represents ethnic Malays and leads the coalition, owns the New Straits Times Press stable of newspapers through Media Prima Bhd. This includes the English-language New Straits Times and two Malay-language papers, Berita Harian and Harian Metro, and television stations TV3 and NTV7. The Malaysian Chinese Association owns The Star and Sin Chew Jit Poh through its investment arm, Huaren. The Malaysian Indian Congress owns the Tamil-language Nesan.
Under such a repressive environment, it's a feat that The Sun rocked the boat at all. Nadeswaran exposed a series of dubious transactions inside the Selangor state government and a RM4.6 billion (US$1.42 billion) Port Klang Free Zone scandal, which implicated Transport Minister and MCA deputy president Chan Kong Choy as well as UMNO personalities. The paper has also given significant coverage to opposition parties, something they don't get in the government-controlled press.
When Tan took control of the paper a few weeks ago, no one really blinked. Most observers expected the good times to end, especially with the general election coming. The only good side is that this time moderation has been bought with cash instead of harsh laws like the Internal Security Act, which allows persons deemed to be a threat to national security to be detained without trial. The act is often used to silence political dissidents.
Under Abdullah Badawi, the media has been more vocal than under Mahathir although newspapers and television are still constrained by their political ownsership. As a result, blogs and internet media have flourished. The online news portal Malaysiakini led the way in 1999 in the wake of the reformasi movement sparked by Anwar's abrupt sacking and subsequent jailing on charges of sexual perversion and corruption, which were widely viewed as trumped up.
Information Minister Zainuddin Maidin frequently warns bloggers or attempts to discredit them. One, Nathaniel Tan, has been arrested and charged. After Tan was taken into police custody, friends and families could not contact or locate him for about seven hours. Two others are being sued for defamation by the NST and its editors. Although mostly a personal spat, some see the civil suit as intimidation aimed at silencing freedom of speech.
Anger of Ethnic Malaysian Indians will teach ruling party a lesson
http://tinyurl.com/25xxdj
Angry ethnic Indian voters could singe ruling party in polls
Rinching, February 24, 2008
With a small knife, plantation worker Ramalingam Tirumalai makes raw incisions on the rubber trees every morning to harvest the oozing gooey latex.
Just like the gashes on the trees, Ramalingam says, countless wounds have been inflicted by Malaysia's government on the country's ethnic Indian minority, denying them jobs, education, freedom of religion and most of all dignity.
"We have been independent for 50 years," the stocky 53-year-old man said of his country, Malaysia. "But there has been no change in the lives of Indians."
Seething anger among ethnic Indians is likely to singe the government during parliamentary elections on March 8. No one doubts that the National Front coalition, which has ruled Malaysia since independence in 1957, will return to power. But it is expected to fall short of its 2004 landslide, when it won 91 per cent of the seats. Anything less than a two-thirds majority would signal plunging support for Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Voters are upset by rising prices and a surge in urban crime. Ethnic tensions are also at a high, largely because of the increasing influence of Islam in daily life.
"We need a new kind of leadership," Ramalingam said in an interview near his plantation in Rinching town, about 45 kilometres from Malaysia's main city, Kuala Lumpur.
The National Front is dominated by the party of the Muslim Malay majority, which make up 60 per cent of the country's 27 million people. The Front also has the support of some ethnic Chinese, who are 25 per cent of the population, and some Indians, who are eight per cent.
Indians have traditionally voted for the Malaysian Indian Congress, their party in the National Front.
'Little by little,' Malaysian Indians build their cause
Discrimination in native land prompts protest
By Todd R. Brown, STAFF WRITER
Article Created: 02/20/2008 02:31:03 AM PST
http://www.insidebayarea.com/argus/localnews/ci_8312516
About 25 people from the Bay Area shuttled to Los Angeles recently to participate in a rally for Malaysian Indian rights, an elusive cause in a nation where native Malays are born Muslim by law and minority groups avow ethnic favoritism.
Although the gathering was modest, some attendees seemed moved by their virgin foray into the world of political dissent.
"We have been used to the Indians being the timid group in Malaysia," said first-time demonstrator Lila Beckford of Hercules. "It was inspiring to see the bunch of people who showed up."
"You can't find anybody more of a conservative person by profession," she said. "I'm an accountant. I enjoyed myself a lot. It gave you a warm feeling."
Beckford is a member of the Bay Area Malaysian Indians, an online social group that played a key role in recruiting fresh faces for the weekend protest.
She knows firsthand the discrimination she left behind when she came to study accounting at the University of California, Berkeley, and obtain her M.B.A. at Cal State Hayward.
Now a U.S. citizen, she doubts she could have had the same success through a Malaysian education, because the university system is based on affirmative action for ethnic Malays.
"We never knew what freedom was like," she said. "We have to work harder than anybody else to get into good schools. When I came here, I realized how marginalized I was there."
"This country gave me a chance my country did not," Beckford said. "I'm trying to turn my anger into a passion to help."
The Saturday rally at the Malaysian consulate came a day after a slightly larger rally in Kuala Lumpur, the nation's capital, where rose-bearing protesters were met by riot police with tear gas and water cannons.
Mihir Meghani of Fremont, part of an awareness group, the Hindu American Foundation, called the Malay government's reaction"brutal." He attended the California rally in solidarity with local Malaysian Indians.
"It's really an apartheid regime in the way that they handle non-Muslim Malays," he said, noting that ethnic Chinese also claim unequal treatment there.
About 200 people attended the Kuala Lumpur protest, a far cry from the 10,000 who rallied there in November for ethnic Indian rights. Indians overall make up 8 percent of the population.
This time, Meghani's group said, the government blocked roads into the capital to prevent ethnic Indians from entering, racially profiling bus passengers and plucking them off.
The foundation said it received reports that 5,000 Hindus were detained.
Officially, about 125 people were detained at the protest, according to news reports, although fewer than 10 were kept in custody.
Among those arrested was a leader of the Hindu Rights Action Force. Five other leaders still are in jail after arrests at the November rally.
Local organizers said more than 50 people attended Saturday's rally in Los Angeles, most of whom had never picketed before.
Malini Kumar of Fremont, who spearheaded the local organizing effort, was impressed that people from various backgrounds, including American Indians, came to show support.
"We were so proud of ourselves, and to be in America, where we are able to practice our rights of peaceful assembly and speaking out," she said. "If we were in Malaysia, we would all be detained and jailed."
The budding activist said her confederates now will discuss a possible divestment campaign targeting businesses that make components in Malaysia.
Kumar said the exiled president of the Hindu Rights Action Force may attend a rally in April, possibly at the San Jose office of the Malaysian Industrial Development Authority, which facilitates Silicon Valley deals.
Among the high-tech firms based in Fremont that have operations in Malaysia are: AER Worldwide, Smart Modular Technologies, Unigen and WaferGen.
Beckford's colleagues at her Larkspur company joked that they'd break her out of jail if she got arrested at the recent protest, yet she seemed undeterred that her obscure cause and out-of-character activism led to a hokey punch line.
"Everybody asks me, 'What do you hope to achieve? You're not going to make a dent,'" she said. "If every one person I spoke to at the rally knows a little bit more about this problem ... we are a small group, but I think we can make a difference."
Translating a Malay proverb, she added: "'Little by little you can build a hill.' I'm ready to become a total activist."
Consulate officials did not return phone calls for comment.
Reach staff writer Todd R. Brown at 510-353-7004 or
todd.brown@bayareanewsgroup.com.
From: Malaysia Hindu Sangam
Sent: Saturday, February 23, 2008 8:55 PM
Subject: Memorandum from 120 Indian NGOs
Memorandum from 120 Indian NGOs
Some NGOs which contributed to draft memorandum (both BN & Opposition) are tipped to be nominated as candidates for elections, I am of the opinion that a memorandum to be given now is inappropriate. Therefore, it is my opinion that during election time we just use the preliminary statement given to the Prime Minister on 28th Dec 2007 as the wishes of the 120 Indian based NGOs. It is a very comprehensive & well received memorandum. For your information the preliminary statement is given below:
Thank you very much for your cooperation. If necessary we shall meet again after the general elections to consider the need for fresh memorandum.
Preliminary Statement by 70 Indian NGOs: Urgent reforms for disadvantaged Indian-Malaysians
Introduction
We, on behalf of the non-political, non-governmental organisations mentioned below, have prepared this preliminary statement to bring to Y.A.B. Dato’ Seri’s attention a pressing issue of national importance.
Recent events indicate that a large number of Indian-Malaysians, particularly the youth and the disadvantaged, feel marginalized and alienated from the mainstream development and progress of our nation. They are looking for just treatment, and for a government machinery at all levels that understands and empathises with their concerns so as to effectively address them.We view this as a wakeup call for all and as an opportunity for us as a nation to take a fresh look at our institutions in order to achieve our aspirations of becoming a developed nation. In the light of this, very crucially there must be a structural change in the implementing agency—i.e. a world class civil service composed of decision makers reflecting the diversity of our multiracial society.
We are currently preparing a more comprehensive memorandum, including matters not stated below, which will be submitted to you at our next meeting.
For the moment, we would suggest the following immediate steps be taken:
No.ProposalUnder the purview of:
1. Non Political Independent Task Force
1.1. Establish an independent, non-political Task Force made up of 9 members to help the Prime Minister design and develop specific programmes based on the following proposals. The terms of reference of the Task Force should include undertaking the programmes, monitoring, evaluating and submitting periodical reports on the implementation and progress.Prime Minister’s Office
2. Temple demolitions: moratorium pending guidelines
2.1. Short term:
2.1.1 Moratorium on demolitions of places of worship throughout the country pending the formulation of comprehensive guidelines in consultation with the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism (“MCCBCHST”) and relevant authoritiesMinistry of Housing & Local Government
State Government
Local Authorities
2.1.2 Gazette qualifying places of worship as heritage sites under the National Heritage Act 2005Ministry of Culture, Arts & Heritage
2.2. Long term:
2.2.1 Need to ensure land is alienated for all existing established places of worship, and allocate land for the places of worship of all communities in new developments with funding by the developer or the authorities concernedFederal & State Governments
3. Education: Towards national unity and integration
3.1. Short term:
3.1.1 All Tamil schools to be fully funded by the government.Ministry of Education
3.1.2 Pupil’s own language lessons should be made available from the 2008 school year in all national secondary schools irrespective of the number of students.Ministry of Education
3.1.3 Increase the proportion of non-Malay students in residential schools. Residential schools should be a model of all aspects of multi racial Malaysia. In particular, places of worship for students, food, culture, composition of teaching and administrative staff and all other areas must reflect the diversity of Malaysia’s population.Ministry of Education
3.1.4 Increase the number of Indian students admitted into vocational and technical schools.Ministry of Education
Ministry of Human Resources
3.1.5 Increase by way of recruitment and promotion the number of non Bumiputeras, especially Indians, employed in decision making positions in the education service at all levels - national, state, district and school. This would be a proactive measure to create national unity amongst students in schools and end ethnic polarization.
Ministry of Education
3.2. Long term:
3.2.1 Acquire/Alienate land in areas with high concentration of Indians, so under-enrolled Tamil schools can be relocated to serve the needs of the community.Ministry of Education
3.2.2 Increase the number of places at public universities for marketable degrees while maintaining global admission standards for deserving students from all races. More equitable participation in tertiary education for Indians, especially in critical courses.Ministry of Higher Education
3.2.3 Admission to public universities should be based on a common entry exam. Ministry of Higher Education
4. Economic measures: Empower the urban disadvantaged
4.1. Short term:
4.1.1 Ensure that suitable and affordable housing is made available on an equitable basis to disadvantaged Indian households.Ministry of Housing
State & Local authorities
4.1.2 Provide sufficient financial assistance, grants, training and credit facilities to all deserving and disadvantaged groups so that they may grab the ladder of opportunity and become self reliant. For example, facilities and privileges now given to Bumiputera petty traders must be extended to Indians and all other deserving applicants. Ministry of Finance
Entrepeneurship Ministry
4.1.3 Provide sufficient trade licenses (e.g. taxis, hawkers, petty traders etc) to all deserving applicants irrespective of race, with a particular emphasis on ensuring equitable distribution to Indians.Relevant ministries & Local authorities
4.1.4 Implement specific, tangible and targeted anti-poverty programmes to uplift and empower urban low income groups, in particular displaced and disadvantaged Indians. For example, extend the skills training programmes currently available to Bumiputera to all deserving youth and young adults. Mechanism to be set up to publicise, educate and enlist Indians to participate in such marketable skills training programmes.Ministry of Education & Ministry of Human Resources
4.2. Medium to Long term:
4.2.1 Implementation of the policies in respect of the Indian community which were approved by the Majlis Perundingan Ekonomi Negara 1991 (MAPEN 1991) and the 9th Malaysia Plan. A comprehensive plan of action for this should be announced within 3 months.PMO
Task Force
4.2.2 Implementation of an affirmative action programme in Malaysia for all disadvantaged Malaysians.
5. Other measures
5.1. Establish a Community Development Fund under the Prime Minister’s Office to be administered by the proposed Task Force. Provide incentives to independent, non political NGOs to implement community empowerment programmes. Among the areas of concern are the problems affecting single mothers, orphans, homelessness, and squatters. Indian based NGOs in particular should be given funding and other incentives to address problems where Indians are disproportionately affected.PMO
Task Force
5.2. Implement the legislative reforms proposed by the MCCBCHST in their Memorandum dated 20 October 2005 entitled “Respect the Right to Profess and Practice One’s Religion” immediately. At the moment, these reforms are being considered by the Law Reform division of the Attorney General’s Chambers.Attorney General’s Chambers
5.3. Religious programmes on State owned radio and television, in Bahasa Malaysia and in all the vernacular languages, should recognize similar values preached in other religions and not suggest that the universal values shared by all religions are only unique to Islam. There should also be religious programmes on Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism.Ministry of Information
5.4. All national schools to ensure religious and cultural classes for non Muslims, by teachers sanctioned by the religions concerned, as part of the curriculum. In addition, civic studies should be introduced for all students irrespective of race and religion.
Datuk A. Vaithilingam
President
Malaysia hindu Sangam
Angry ethnic Indian voters could singe ruling party in polls
Rinching, February 24, 2008
With a small knife, plantation worker Ramalingam Tirumalai makes raw incisions on the rubber trees every morning to harvest the oozing gooey latex.
Just like the gashes on the trees, Ramalingam says, countless wounds have been inflicted by Malaysia's government on the country's ethnic Indian minority, denying them jobs, education, freedom of religion and most of all dignity.
"We have been independent for 50 years," the stocky 53-year-old man said of his country, Malaysia. "But there has been no change in the lives of Indians."
Seething anger among ethnic Indians is likely to singe the government during parliamentary elections on March 8. No one doubts that the National Front coalition, which has ruled Malaysia since independence in 1957, will return to power. But it is expected to fall short of its 2004 landslide, when it won 91 per cent of the seats. Anything less than a two-thirds majority would signal plunging support for Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Voters are upset by rising prices and a surge in urban crime. Ethnic tensions are also at a high, largely because of the increasing influence of Islam in daily life.
"We need a new kind of leadership," Ramalingam said in an interview near his plantation in Rinching town, about 45 kilometres from Malaysia's main city, Kuala Lumpur.
The National Front is dominated by the party of the Muslim Malay majority, which make up 60 per cent of the country's 27 million people. The Front also has the support of some ethnic Chinese, who are 25 per cent of the population, and some Indians, who are eight per cent.
Indians have traditionally voted for the Malaysian Indian Congress, their party in the National Front.
'Little by little,' Malaysian Indians build their cause
Discrimination in native land prompts protest
By Todd R. Brown, STAFF WRITER
Article Created: 02/20/2008 02:31:03 AM PST
http://www.insidebayarea.com/argus/localnews/ci_8312516
About 25 people from the Bay Area shuttled to Los Angeles recently to participate in a rally for Malaysian Indian rights, an elusive cause in a nation where native Malays are born Muslim by law and minority groups avow ethnic favoritism.
Although the gathering was modest, some attendees seemed moved by their virgin foray into the world of political dissent.
"We have been used to the Indians being the timid group in Malaysia," said first-time demonstrator Lila Beckford of Hercules. "It was inspiring to see the bunch of people who showed up."
"You can't find anybody more of a conservative person by profession," she said. "I'm an accountant. I enjoyed myself a lot. It gave you a warm feeling."
Beckford is a member of the Bay Area Malaysian Indians, an online social group that played a key role in recruiting fresh faces for the weekend protest.
She knows firsthand the discrimination she left behind when she came to study accounting at the University of California, Berkeley, and obtain her M.B.A. at Cal State Hayward.
Now a U.S. citizen, she doubts she could have had the same success through a Malaysian education, because the university system is based on affirmative action for ethnic Malays.
"We never knew what freedom was like," she said. "We have to work harder than anybody else to get into good schools. When I came here, I realized how marginalized I was there."
"This country gave me a chance my country did not," Beckford said. "I'm trying to turn my anger into a passion to help."
The Saturday rally at the Malaysian consulate came a day after a slightly larger rally in Kuala Lumpur, the nation's capital, where rose-bearing protesters were met by riot police with tear gas and water cannons.
Mihir Meghani of Fremont, part of an awareness group, the Hindu American Foundation, called the Malay government's reaction"brutal." He attended the California rally in solidarity with local Malaysian Indians.
"It's really an apartheid regime in the way that they handle non-Muslim Malays," he said, noting that ethnic Chinese also claim unequal treatment there.
About 200 people attended the Kuala Lumpur protest, a far cry from the 10,000 who rallied there in November for ethnic Indian rights. Indians overall make up 8 percent of the population.
This time, Meghani's group said, the government blocked roads into the capital to prevent ethnic Indians from entering, racially profiling bus passengers and plucking them off.
The foundation said it received reports that 5,000 Hindus were detained.
Officially, about 125 people were detained at the protest, according to news reports, although fewer than 10 were kept in custody.
Among those arrested was a leader of the Hindu Rights Action Force. Five other leaders still are in jail after arrests at the November rally.
Local organizers said more than 50 people attended Saturday's rally in Los Angeles, most of whom had never picketed before.
Malini Kumar of Fremont, who spearheaded the local organizing effort, was impressed that people from various backgrounds, including American Indians, came to show support.
"We were so proud of ourselves, and to be in America, where we are able to practice our rights of peaceful assembly and speaking out," she said. "If we were in Malaysia, we would all be detained and jailed."
The budding activist said her confederates now will discuss a possible divestment campaign targeting businesses that make components in Malaysia.
Kumar said the exiled president of the Hindu Rights Action Force may attend a rally in April, possibly at the San Jose office of the Malaysian Industrial Development Authority, which facilitates Silicon Valley deals.
Among the high-tech firms based in Fremont that have operations in Malaysia are: AER Worldwide, Smart Modular Technologies, Unigen and WaferGen.
Beckford's colleagues at her Larkspur company joked that they'd break her out of jail if she got arrested at the recent protest, yet she seemed undeterred that her obscure cause and out-of-character activism led to a hokey punch line.
"Everybody asks me, 'What do you hope to achieve? You're not going to make a dent,'" she said. "If every one person I spoke to at the rally knows a little bit more about this problem ... we are a small group, but I think we can make a difference."
Translating a Malay proverb, she added: "'Little by little you can build a hill.' I'm ready to become a total activist."
Consulate officials did not return phone calls for comment.
Reach staff writer Todd R. Brown at 510-353-7004 or
todd.brown@bayareanewsgroup.com.
From: Malaysia Hindu Sangam
Sent: Saturday, February 23, 2008 8:55 PM
Subject: Memorandum from 120 Indian NGOs
Memorandum from 120 Indian NGOs
Some NGOs which contributed to draft memorandum (both BN & Opposition) are tipped to be nominated as candidates for elections, I am of the opinion that a memorandum to be given now is inappropriate. Therefore, it is my opinion that during election time we just use the preliminary statement given to the Prime Minister on 28th Dec 2007 as the wishes of the 120 Indian based NGOs. It is a very comprehensive & well received memorandum. For your information the preliminary statement is given below:
Thank you very much for your cooperation. If necessary we shall meet again after the general elections to consider the need for fresh memorandum.
Preliminary Statement by 70 Indian NGOs: Urgent reforms for disadvantaged Indian-Malaysians
Introduction
We, on behalf of the non-political, non-governmental organisations mentioned below, have prepared this preliminary statement to bring to Y.A.B. Dato’ Seri’s attention a pressing issue of national importance.
Recent events indicate that a large number of Indian-Malaysians, particularly the youth and the disadvantaged, feel marginalized and alienated from the mainstream development and progress of our nation. They are looking for just treatment, and for a government machinery at all levels that understands and empathises with their concerns so as to effectively address them.We view this as a wakeup call for all and as an opportunity for us as a nation to take a fresh look at our institutions in order to achieve our aspirations of becoming a developed nation. In the light of this, very crucially there must be a structural change in the implementing agency—i.e. a world class civil service composed of decision makers reflecting the diversity of our multiracial society.
We are currently preparing a more comprehensive memorandum, including matters not stated below, which will be submitted to you at our next meeting.
For the moment, we would suggest the following immediate steps be taken:
No.ProposalUnder the purview of:
1. Non Political Independent Task Force
1.1. Establish an independent, non-political Task Force made up of 9 members to help the Prime Minister design and develop specific programmes based on the following proposals. The terms of reference of the Task Force should include undertaking the programmes, monitoring, evaluating and submitting periodical reports on the implementation and progress.Prime Minister’s Office
2. Temple demolitions: moratorium pending guidelines
2.1. Short term:
2.1.1 Moratorium on demolitions of places of worship throughout the country pending the formulation of comprehensive guidelines in consultation with the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism (“MCCBCHST”) and relevant authoritiesMinistry of Housing & Local Government
State Government
Local Authorities
2.1.2 Gazette qualifying places of worship as heritage sites under the National Heritage Act 2005Ministry of Culture, Arts & Heritage
2.2. Long term:
2.2.1 Need to ensure land is alienated for all existing established places of worship, and allocate land for the places of worship of all communities in new developments with funding by the developer or the authorities concernedFederal & State Governments
3. Education: Towards national unity and integration
3.1. Short term:
3.1.1 All Tamil schools to be fully funded by the government.Ministry of Education
3.1.2 Pupil’s own language lessons should be made available from the 2008 school year in all national secondary schools irrespective of the number of students.Ministry of Education
3.1.3 Increase the proportion of non-Malay students in residential schools. Residential schools should be a model of all aspects of multi racial Malaysia. In particular, places of worship for students, food, culture, composition of teaching and administrative staff and all other areas must reflect the diversity of Malaysia’s population.Ministry of Education
3.1.4 Increase the number of Indian students admitted into vocational and technical schools.Ministry of Education
Ministry of Human Resources
3.1.5 Increase by way of recruitment and promotion the number of non Bumiputeras, especially Indians, employed in decision making positions in the education service at all levels - national, state, district and school. This would be a proactive measure to create national unity amongst students in schools and end ethnic polarization.
Ministry of Education
3.2. Long term:
3.2.1 Acquire/Alienate land in areas with high concentration of Indians, so under-enrolled Tamil schools can be relocated to serve the needs of the community.Ministry of Education
3.2.2 Increase the number of places at public universities for marketable degrees while maintaining global admission standards for deserving students from all races. More equitable participation in tertiary education for Indians, especially in critical courses.Ministry of Higher Education
3.2.3 Admission to public universities should be based on a common entry exam. Ministry of Higher Education
4. Economic measures: Empower the urban disadvantaged
4.1. Short term:
4.1.1 Ensure that suitable and affordable housing is made available on an equitable basis to disadvantaged Indian households.Ministry of Housing
State & Local authorities
4.1.2 Provide sufficient financial assistance, grants, training and credit facilities to all deserving and disadvantaged groups so that they may grab the ladder of opportunity and become self reliant. For example, facilities and privileges now given to Bumiputera petty traders must be extended to Indians and all other deserving applicants. Ministry of Finance
Entrepeneurship Ministry
4.1.3 Provide sufficient trade licenses (e.g. taxis, hawkers, petty traders etc) to all deserving applicants irrespective of race, with a particular emphasis on ensuring equitable distribution to Indians.Relevant ministries & Local authorities
4.1.4 Implement specific, tangible and targeted anti-poverty programmes to uplift and empower urban low income groups, in particular displaced and disadvantaged Indians. For example, extend the skills training programmes currently available to Bumiputera to all deserving youth and young adults. Mechanism to be set up to publicise, educate and enlist Indians to participate in such marketable skills training programmes.Ministry of Education & Ministry of Human Resources
4.2. Medium to Long term:
4.2.1 Implementation of the policies in respect of the Indian community which were approved by the Majlis Perundingan Ekonomi Negara 1991 (MAPEN 1991) and the 9th Malaysia Plan. A comprehensive plan of action for this should be announced within 3 months.PMO
Task Force
4.2.2 Implementation of an affirmative action programme in Malaysia for all disadvantaged Malaysians.
5. Other measures
5.1. Establish a Community Development Fund under the Prime Minister’s Office to be administered by the proposed Task Force. Provide incentives to independent, non political NGOs to implement community empowerment programmes. Among the areas of concern are the problems affecting single mothers, orphans, homelessness, and squatters. Indian based NGOs in particular should be given funding and other incentives to address problems where Indians are disproportionately affected.PMO
Task Force
5.2. Implement the legislative reforms proposed by the MCCBCHST in their Memorandum dated 20 October 2005 entitled “Respect the Right to Profess and Practice One’s Religion” immediately. At the moment, these reforms are being considered by the Law Reform division of the Attorney General’s Chambers.Attorney General’s Chambers
5.3. Religious programmes on State owned radio and television, in Bahasa Malaysia and in all the vernacular languages, should recognize similar values preached in other religions and not suggest that the universal values shared by all religions are only unique to Islam. There should also be religious programmes on Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism.Ministry of Information
5.4. All national schools to ensure religious and cultural classes for non Muslims, by teachers sanctioned by the religions concerned, as part of the curriculum. In addition, civic studies should be introduced for all students irrespective of race and religion.
Datuk A. Vaithilingam
President
Malaysia hindu Sangam
Wednesday, February 20, 2008
Malaysian churches get political to defend religious rights
http://tinyurl.com/2ts4bh
Concerned about religious freedoms, Malaysian churches step into political sphere
The Associated Press
Thursday, February 21, 2008
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: Malaysia's churches are wading cautiously into politics by urging Christians to vote for candidates in next month's general elections who champion religious freedom in the Muslim-majority society.
The call illustrates growing concern among religious minorities who feel their rights are being eroded by a rise in Islamic fervor, which many blame on overzealous Muslim bureaucrats in Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's government.
Churches have begun handing out brochures urging Christians to examine the platforms and records of political parties on "freedom of religion, conscience and speech" before casting their ballots in March 8 national elections.
"We want to hold every politician accountable," said Hermen Shastri, executive secretary of the Christian Federation of Malaysia. "Many people may not vote for representatives who won't speak up" for religious rights, he said. The federation includes the Protestant Christian Council of Malaysia, Roman Catholics and the National Evangelical Fellowship.
Although some churches have made similar calls in the past, many Christians are particularly concerned about the outcome of these elections because of what they regard as "the trend of Islamization and how that is affecting other religious communities," Shastri said.
He stressed that churches remain nonpartisan, and that the campaign is not an endorsement of secular opposition parties, which accuse the government of allowing religious discrimination to strain decades of multiethnic harmony.
The Christian federation is working with its Buddhist and Hindu counterparts, which may distribute similar pamphlets at temples, Shastri said.
Several recent events illustrate growing religious tension in Malaysia, a nation of 27 million that is about 58 percent Muslim, 23 percent Buddhist, 11 percent Christian and 6 percent Hindu, with other smaller traditional Chinese religions.
In December, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom condemned government actions against the country's ethnic Indian Hindus, including the use of tear gas and water cannons against peaceful demonstrators, beatings of protesters who sought refuge in a temple and the demolition of Hindu temples and shrines.
The commission said the expanding reach of Sharia, or Islamic, courts is "threatening secular Malaysia's civil courts and the country's commitment to religious pluralism."
While Islam is the official state religion, Malaysia is considered one of the world's most relaxed Muslim countries. The Southeast Asian nation follows a dual justice system. Shariah courts administer the personal affairs of Muslims, while civil courts are to govern Hindus, Christians, Buddhists and other religious minorities.
However, with the backing of Muslim politicians, Sharia courts have stepped into several high-profile cases involving conversion, marriage, divorce and child custody involving non-Muslims.
The Christian husband of a Malaysian woman who died in December clashed with Islamic authorities who contended she had converted to Islam a week before her death and would be buried according to Muslim rites. A Malaysian court ordered the woman's body released for a Christian funeral after the conversion claim was retracted.
In another case, a 29-year-old woman who was born a Muslim but converted to Hinduism was ordered by Malaysian authorities to spend six months in an Islamic rehabilitation center, where she said officials tried to make her pray as a Muslim, wear a head scarf and eat beef, a sacrilege to Hindus.
The Malaysian government, meanwhile, recently stated non-Muslims cannot use the word "Allah," worrying Christians who use the term to refer to God in their Malay-language Bibles and other publications.
And last month, customs officers seized 32 Bibles from a Christian traveler, saying they were trying to determine whether the Bibles were imported for commercial purposes. A government official said the action was wrong.
Last week, Prime Minister Abdullah assured minorities he was "honest and fair" with all religions.
"Of course, there are minor misunderstandings," Abdullah said in a speech to Chinese voters. "What is important is that we are willing to talk and solve our problems together."
Teresa Kok, a lawmaker representing the opposition Democratic Action Party, said the latest church foray into politics "will definitely help to create some political awareness," but may not swing large amounts of support to the opposition.
Many Christians, especially in urban, middle-class populations, traditionally support Abdullah's National Front coalition because they "don't want to rock the boat," Kok said.
The National Front consists of 14 parties representing various ethnic groups. The coalition, which has governed since 1957, is expected to easily retain power but with a lower parliamentary majority because of religious tensions and complaints over inflation, crime and corruption.
Concerned about religious freedoms, Malaysian churches step into political sphere
The Associated Press
Thursday, February 21, 2008
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: Malaysia's churches are wading cautiously into politics by urging Christians to vote for candidates in next month's general elections who champion religious freedom in the Muslim-majority society.
The call illustrates growing concern among religious minorities who feel their rights are being eroded by a rise in Islamic fervor, which many blame on overzealous Muslim bureaucrats in Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's government.
Churches have begun handing out brochures urging Christians to examine the platforms and records of political parties on "freedom of religion, conscience and speech" before casting their ballots in March 8 national elections.
"We want to hold every politician accountable," said Hermen Shastri, executive secretary of the Christian Federation of Malaysia. "Many people may not vote for representatives who won't speak up" for religious rights, he said. The federation includes the Protestant Christian Council of Malaysia, Roman Catholics and the National Evangelical Fellowship.
Although some churches have made similar calls in the past, many Christians are particularly concerned about the outcome of these elections because of what they regard as "the trend of Islamization and how that is affecting other religious communities," Shastri said.
He stressed that churches remain nonpartisan, and that the campaign is not an endorsement of secular opposition parties, which accuse the government of allowing religious discrimination to strain decades of multiethnic harmony.
The Christian federation is working with its Buddhist and Hindu counterparts, which may distribute similar pamphlets at temples, Shastri said.
Several recent events illustrate growing religious tension in Malaysia, a nation of 27 million that is about 58 percent Muslim, 23 percent Buddhist, 11 percent Christian and 6 percent Hindu, with other smaller traditional Chinese religions.
In December, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom condemned government actions against the country's ethnic Indian Hindus, including the use of tear gas and water cannons against peaceful demonstrators, beatings of protesters who sought refuge in a temple and the demolition of Hindu temples and shrines.
The commission said the expanding reach of Sharia, or Islamic, courts is "threatening secular Malaysia's civil courts and the country's commitment to religious pluralism."
While Islam is the official state religion, Malaysia is considered one of the world's most relaxed Muslim countries. The Southeast Asian nation follows a dual justice system. Shariah courts administer the personal affairs of Muslims, while civil courts are to govern Hindus, Christians, Buddhists and other religious minorities.
However, with the backing of Muslim politicians, Sharia courts have stepped into several high-profile cases involving conversion, marriage, divorce and child custody involving non-Muslims.
The Christian husband of a Malaysian woman who died in December clashed with Islamic authorities who contended she had converted to Islam a week before her death and would be buried according to Muslim rites. A Malaysian court ordered the woman's body released for a Christian funeral after the conversion claim was retracted.
In another case, a 29-year-old woman who was born a Muslim but converted to Hinduism was ordered by Malaysian authorities to spend six months in an Islamic rehabilitation center, where she said officials tried to make her pray as a Muslim, wear a head scarf and eat beef, a sacrilege to Hindus.
The Malaysian government, meanwhile, recently stated non-Muslims cannot use the word "Allah," worrying Christians who use the term to refer to God in their Malay-language Bibles and other publications.
And last month, customs officers seized 32 Bibles from a Christian traveler, saying they were trying to determine whether the Bibles were imported for commercial purposes. A government official said the action was wrong.
Last week, Prime Minister Abdullah assured minorities he was "honest and fair" with all religions.
"Of course, there are minor misunderstandings," Abdullah said in a speech to Chinese voters. "What is important is that we are willing to talk and solve our problems together."
Teresa Kok, a lawmaker representing the opposition Democratic Action Party, said the latest church foray into politics "will definitely help to create some political awareness," but may not swing large amounts of support to the opposition.
Many Christians, especially in urban, middle-class populations, traditionally support Abdullah's National Front coalition because they "don't want to rock the boat," Kok said.
The National Front consists of 14 parties representing various ethnic groups. The coalition, which has governed since 1957, is expected to easily retain power but with a lower parliamentary majority because of religious tensions and complaints over inflation, crime and corruption.
Malaysian speed bumps in delivery of Indian wish list
2008/02/17
OPINION: Speed bumps in delivery of Indian wish list
http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Sunday/Columns/2159672/Article/index_html
By : CHOK SUAT LING
The government has addressed many of the concerns of the Indian community, most notably in the Ninth Malaysia Plan, but the implementation of programmes needs to be speeded up, writes CHOK SUAT LING
Datuk Pardip Kumar Kukreja urges a conscious appointment of Indians in the public sector
Datuk N. Siva Subramaniam says many good policies are not translated into action
DATUK Dr Denison Jayasooria has been involved in social research and developing intervention strategies to uplift the welfare of the Indian community for more than a decade.
As executive director of Yayasan Strategik Sosial (YSS), the social arm of the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), Jayasooria has highlighted various issues affecting Indians, especially those at the bottom 30 per cent of the community, since YSS was set up in 1997.
One important exercise, he recalls, was just three years ago when he helped document and forward a report -- a community "wish list" -- to the government for inclusion in the Ninth Malaysia Plan (9MP).
Many of the suggestions made by academics, professionals, the police, senior government officials, association heads and community leaders, including political economist Dr Terence Gomez, National Union of Plantation Workers' A. Navamukundan and activist Charles Santiago, at a forum organised by the MIC on Feb 20, 2005, have since been translated into public policy.
The voluminous report, 251 pages in all, contained 10 key proposals and 67 specific recommendations. It was presented to the government during the MIC's general assembly in May 2005 and posted on its website.
The proposals sought to increase Indian equity and business opportunities, ensure greater participation and opportunities in the civil service, eradicate urban poverty, and aid underachieving students in the school system.
Specifically, the experts ur-ged a 7.5 per cent slice of public university enrolment to be allocated for Indians; introduction of pre-school education in all Tamil schools; RM500 million national unit trust fund managed by a Permodalan Nasional Bhd-type institution for the community; and specific programmes and strategies developed to meet the government's aim of doubling Indian equity to three per cent by 2010.
It may not have been the first time these concerns were aired but it was certainly one of the most concerted attempts by the MIC to highlight existing issues.
Since then, steps have been taken to resolve the challenges faced by certain sections of the community.
"One breakthrough, for instance, has been the clear endorsement of skills training opportunities for Indian youth," says Jayasooria.
"Two institutions -- Giat Mara and Pusat Putra (a new skills training institute) -- were mentioned to ensure delivery."
The provisions in the 9MP show that the government recognises the problems faced by Indian youth, especially those from low-income families and whose school performance is weak.
However, Jayasooria admits that problems remain.
For instance, there is a need for a better policy delivery and monitoring mechanism.
"There are genuine grievan-ces that need to be addressed," he stresses. "We have highlighted them for more than 10 years now but there is concern over the pace with which government agencies implement the policies."
Since they are not attended to quickly, the MIC is accused of not doing enough to alleviate the plight of the Indian community, he contends.
Jayasooria cautions: "If issues are not addressed quickly enough, the moderate voices will grow louder and there may be a backlash. Certain groups will take political advantage of the situation."
As an example, he points out that YSS has had many discussions with the Housing and Local Government Ministry on urban poverty but, he says: "The ministry has been slow in implementing programmes. This area needs a clearer directive as the emphasis on urban poor and low-income families is not given a major thrust in the 9MP as it was in the Eighth. The government has, however, done well in addressing hardcore poverty."
Former unionist Datuk N. Siva Subramaniam agrees that the implementation of policies needs to be improved. Siva Subramaniam, whose ideas on improving educational access and achievement of Indian students were included in the report, notes that although there are many good policies in place, some do not trickle down.
"For instance, there is an allocation for sekolah bantuan modal or partially aided schools but the disbursement of funds is at the discretion of state education department directors. Some have not given out the funds."
A number of other concerns raised at the forum and included in the report continue to demand attention. These issues have also been brought up in past MIC annual congresses.
Social worker Shoba Aiyar, a panellist at the MIC forum on the 9MP, feels that in areas with a large Indian population, an office or service centre catering to their needs should be set up.
"There are such offices in every Felda scheme, and within Kemas (Community Development Department) and Orang Asli communities. The officer will be able to channel 'clients' to relevant departments," she says.
"There should also be Indian government officers in district welfare offices to cater to the community as language and cultural sensitivities can sometimes be an issue."
For NUPW's Navamukundan, the quality of life of plantation workers must be further improved.
He stresses that basic public utilities and healthcare services should be extended to all plantation workers.
"All community development projects implemented by Kemas must be provided to plantation worker communities, especially infant and childcare services and preschool classes, to empower them to participate in the mainstream of national economic and social development programmes."
Malaysian Associated Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry president Datuk Pardip Kumar Kukreja urges a "conscious appointment" of Indians in the public sector, state executive councils and local councils.
Indians should also be allowed to purchase shares in national trust funds and allocated equitable housing and land by City Hall and other district offices.
Venture capital funds should also be created, and franchises and dealerships secured for the community.
"I don't think there is anything we have not asked," says the business leader, whose proposals were also included in the 2005 report. "We have also asked for licences, permits and loan allocations but there has been no implementation."
Jayasooria notes that under the 9MP, the Indian share of corporate equity had been targeted to increase to three per cent by 2020 and that more opportunities would be provided for them to participate in selected unit trust schemes.
It will also enhance the participation of Indians in the economy; provide financial assistance to encourage them to venture into business; and to make entrepreneur training programmes more accessible.
"But when it comes to deliverables and targets, a lot of issues remain. All have been discussed and written about extensively but somehow they do not translate downwards."
There is also an urgent need to establish a social inclusion unit, perhaps under the Prime Minister's Department, with representation from all communities, says Jayasooria.
"People, especially in urban areas, need an outlet to speak up. Those in rural areas have greater access to the civil service as their communities are more compact. There is less interaction in urban areas."
On the mid-term review for the 9MP, he says: "We hope that the government will focus on enabling greater people participation and see how they can play a part in the entire development process."
OPINION: Speed bumps in delivery of Indian wish list
http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Sunday/Columns/2159672/Article/index_html
By : CHOK SUAT LING
The government has addressed many of the concerns of the Indian community, most notably in the Ninth Malaysia Plan, but the implementation of programmes needs to be speeded up, writes CHOK SUAT LING
Datuk Pardip Kumar Kukreja urges a conscious appointment of Indians in the public sector
Datuk N. Siva Subramaniam says many good policies are not translated into action
DATUK Dr Denison Jayasooria has been involved in social research and developing intervention strategies to uplift the welfare of the Indian community for more than a decade.
As executive director of Yayasan Strategik Sosial (YSS), the social arm of the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), Jayasooria has highlighted various issues affecting Indians, especially those at the bottom 30 per cent of the community, since YSS was set up in 1997.
One important exercise, he recalls, was just three years ago when he helped document and forward a report -- a community "wish list" -- to the government for inclusion in the Ninth Malaysia Plan (9MP).
Many of the suggestions made by academics, professionals, the police, senior government officials, association heads and community leaders, including political economist Dr Terence Gomez, National Union of Plantation Workers' A. Navamukundan and activist Charles Santiago, at a forum organised by the MIC on Feb 20, 2005, have since been translated into public policy.
The voluminous report, 251 pages in all, contained 10 key proposals and 67 specific recommendations. It was presented to the government during the MIC's general assembly in May 2005 and posted on its website.
The proposals sought to increase Indian equity and business opportunities, ensure greater participation and opportunities in the civil service, eradicate urban poverty, and aid underachieving students in the school system.
Specifically, the experts ur-ged a 7.5 per cent slice of public university enrolment to be allocated for Indians; introduction of pre-school education in all Tamil schools; RM500 million national unit trust fund managed by a Permodalan Nasional Bhd-type institution for the community; and specific programmes and strategies developed to meet the government's aim of doubling Indian equity to three per cent by 2010.
It may not have been the first time these concerns were aired but it was certainly one of the most concerted attempts by the MIC to highlight existing issues.
Since then, steps have been taken to resolve the challenges faced by certain sections of the community.
"One breakthrough, for instance, has been the clear endorsement of skills training opportunities for Indian youth," says Jayasooria.
"Two institutions -- Giat Mara and Pusat Putra (a new skills training institute) -- were mentioned to ensure delivery."
The provisions in the 9MP show that the government recognises the problems faced by Indian youth, especially those from low-income families and whose school performance is weak.
However, Jayasooria admits that problems remain.
For instance, there is a need for a better policy delivery and monitoring mechanism.
"There are genuine grievan-ces that need to be addressed," he stresses. "We have highlighted them for more than 10 years now but there is concern over the pace with which government agencies implement the policies."
Since they are not attended to quickly, the MIC is accused of not doing enough to alleviate the plight of the Indian community, he contends.
Jayasooria cautions: "If issues are not addressed quickly enough, the moderate voices will grow louder and there may be a backlash. Certain groups will take political advantage of the situation."
As an example, he points out that YSS has had many discussions with the Housing and Local Government Ministry on urban poverty but, he says: "The ministry has been slow in implementing programmes. This area needs a clearer directive as the emphasis on urban poor and low-income families is not given a major thrust in the 9MP as it was in the Eighth. The government has, however, done well in addressing hardcore poverty."
Former unionist Datuk N. Siva Subramaniam agrees that the implementation of policies needs to be improved. Siva Subramaniam, whose ideas on improving educational access and achievement of Indian students were included in the report, notes that although there are many good policies in place, some do not trickle down.
"For instance, there is an allocation for sekolah bantuan modal or partially aided schools but the disbursement of funds is at the discretion of state education department directors. Some have not given out the funds."
A number of other concerns raised at the forum and included in the report continue to demand attention. These issues have also been brought up in past MIC annual congresses.
Social worker Shoba Aiyar, a panellist at the MIC forum on the 9MP, feels that in areas with a large Indian population, an office or service centre catering to their needs should be set up.
"There are such offices in every Felda scheme, and within Kemas (Community Development Department) and Orang Asli communities. The officer will be able to channel 'clients' to relevant departments," she says.
"There should also be Indian government officers in district welfare offices to cater to the community as language and cultural sensitivities can sometimes be an issue."
For NUPW's Navamukundan, the quality of life of plantation workers must be further improved.
He stresses that basic public utilities and healthcare services should be extended to all plantation workers.
"All community development projects implemented by Kemas must be provided to plantation worker communities, especially infant and childcare services and preschool classes, to empower them to participate in the mainstream of national economic and social development programmes."
Malaysian Associated Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry president Datuk Pardip Kumar Kukreja urges a "conscious appointment" of Indians in the public sector, state executive councils and local councils.
Indians should also be allowed to purchase shares in national trust funds and allocated equitable housing and land by City Hall and other district offices.
Venture capital funds should also be created, and franchises and dealerships secured for the community.
"I don't think there is anything we have not asked," says the business leader, whose proposals were also included in the 2005 report. "We have also asked for licences, permits and loan allocations but there has been no implementation."
Jayasooria notes that under the 9MP, the Indian share of corporate equity had been targeted to increase to three per cent by 2020 and that more opportunities would be provided for them to participate in selected unit trust schemes.
It will also enhance the participation of Indians in the economy; provide financial assistance to encourage them to venture into business; and to make entrepreneur training programmes more accessible.
"But when it comes to deliverables and targets, a lot of issues remain. All have been discussed and written about extensively but somehow they do not translate downwards."
There is also an urgent need to establish a social inclusion unit, perhaps under the Prime Minister's Department, with representation from all communities, says Jayasooria.
"People, especially in urban areas, need an outlet to speak up. Those in rural areas have greater access to the civil service as their communities are more compact. There is less interaction in urban areas."
On the mid-term review for the 9MP, he says: "We hope that the government will focus on enabling greater people participation and see how they can play a part in the entire development process."
NST editorial laced with pro-establishment propaganda
20 February 2008
NST editorial laced with pro-establishment propaganda
http://www.aliran.com/elections/2008/02/nst-editorial-laced-with-pro.html
An earlier entry in Media Monitors' Election Diary posits:
"what can Malaysians expect from the NST in its coverage of the impending run-up to the election if not acting as a full throttle mouthpiece for Badawi and the BN"?
The NST editorial on 18 February disparaging Hindraf's Roses Day is more of the same. The sophistry is there all right but the pro-establishment propaganda inescapable.
NST says: "On Saturday, a small group of people staged an illegal rally and attempted to take the election hostage. The little support that remains for the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) gathered in the capital determined that the world should know that they are extremely unhappy."
It repeats the BN line "illegal rally". It downplays the numbers gathered. Several hundreds is to NST "a small number". The paper forgets that comprehensive police roadblocks prevented the numbers from swelling. It forgets the pre-emptive arrest warrants that the Malaysian authorities are wont to issue organisers of just such public assemblies.
The public however has not forgotten that the Hindraf Five are still detained under the ISA. And yet, despite that tyrannical Sword of Damocles, which has been a longstanding deterrent to civic participation, the "small group of people" still bravely assembled in the capital.
NST's editorial accentuates wishful thinking: "The little support that remains for Hindraf"… if only, and goes on to say: "What they are unhappy about exactly is not clear."
A less mean-spirited reader than NST's target audience might well rejoin: "If the PM perked up his big ears a wee bit, he might learn the cause of the Indian Malaysians' unhappiness".
Of if the PM had allowed children to hand him flowers, he could have heard it straight from the mouth of babes.
Or if the PM had listened, he could have gotten some tips from Hindraf's alleged attempt 'to take the election hostage' –- more info to add to his ruling coalition's considerable store of knowledge. Or was Abdullah Badawi afraid that Hindraf would once again present their memo, handed by guileless children this time?
The words employed in the NST editorial to describe Hindraf are deliberately pejorative: "wily use of an absurd suit", "its slick organisers hoped to repeat the trick". They rightly belong in BN brochures, not in newspapers.
Inept and unaware?
The editorial then goes on: "They [Hindraf] haven't asked for more Tamil schools, for more jobs in the civil service for Indians. They haven't asked for more welfare support for underprivileged Indians. The Malaysian Indian Congress did all that, capitalising on an opportunity that Hindraf's organisers threw away."
What an inept newspaper not to be aware that Hindraf had already sent hundreds of letters, memos and requests to the authorities, without meriting any response.
What an inept newspaper not to be aware that the Hindraf petition (which its very own editorial derides as an absurd suit and slick trick) had already and clearly laid out the litany of woes besetting the Indian community and their remedies.
These remedies, at least, the NST seemed aware of: more Tamil schools, more jobs in the civil service, and more welfare support for underprivileged Indian Malaysians. But the NST gives credit to MIC, where no credit is due, for raising public awareness of the pressing needs.
Lat year, before 'Hindraf' became a household name, Indian Malaysians had gathered peacefully at Putrajaya -- in NST jargon – to "ask". And they had asked nicely. Sad that they were ignored and sent away empty handed.
NST says, "So, what is Hindraf actually fighting for, precisely? They have the same number of votes as every other Malaysian -- one man, one vote -- so they aren't the heroes of a burgeoning Malaysian civil rights movement."
One man, one vote? What an unschooled paper not to know that under Malaysia's skewed electoral weightage, one vote in Putrajaya is manifold the worth of one vote in Bukit Bintang.
Hardly surprising then that it could not enlighten its readers on how constituencies should be delineated so that there is an equal balance in the number of constituents. And if more weightage is accorded to some constituencies, that is, the rural ones, the maximum variation should not exceed 15 per cent (a statutory guideline recommended by the Reid Commission). This ratio is clearly breached in the case of Putrajaya.
Is NST also unaware that one of the main issues confronting the Indian Malaysian community is that though are bona fide Malaysians, a good number of them do not possess birth certificates and other official identity documents? They cannot register for school, much less vote.
If NST is still, now, all that clueless as to what Hindraf is actually fighting for, precisely, then it's not a very effective newspaper, is it? Newspapers are supposed to find out these things and inform their readership. Not require their readership to inform them.
No constructive points
NST says: "They are citizens of a country where more than two million foreigners work, both legally and not, so they can't possibly believe there are not enough jobs."
Indian Malaysians can rightly ask: "Then why are illegal foreigners holding these jobs? Where is the law enforcement that is too eagerly deployed to bully Hindraf? Why is it not doing its task of curbing illegal entry into this country?"
And since the Malaysian authorities seem too fond of throwing about the word 'illegal', can we also not label these jobs as 'illegal jobs' if done by illegal immigrants?
NST blathers on: "What they have done is to claim Hindus have been marginalised, accuse the government of ethnic cleansing, and beg for their five leaders to be released from detention under the Internal Security Act."
If NST is more attuned to the pulse of the rakyat, it would know that civil society demands – no, not "begs" – demands, that the Hindraf leaders be released. And for the ISA to be abolished.
Aah, but then, NST at least does not tag itself "The People's Paper", so its incomprehensibility of the people's strong sentiments is more excusable. Relatively speaking, that is.
NST adds: "They are also doing the BN a favour. They have made themselves widely resented in Kuala Lumpur for disrupting the lives of thousands of peace-loving city folk."
Uh-uh. This tack didn't work the last time. Thousands of peace-loving city folk hooted in derision when the BN trotted out its motley crew of Bukit Bintang pseudo traders to claim that the Bersih rally disrupted business on 10 November.
NST goes out with a whimper (certainly no bang) on this kicker: "They have obscured the fact that there are opposition parties making legitimate attempts to participate in the democratic process and respect elections as a venue for demanding change. It just doesn't look like they are fighting to raise any constructive points. Maybe, it really is for the money."
Isn't it a pity that when opposition parties make legitimate attempts to participate in the democratic process, like when they apply to get police permits for their public assemblies, or when they petition for clean, fair and transparent elections, they are denied this very "legitimacy"? Didn't the PM's famous son-in-law famously deem Bersih an "illegal organisation"?
So perhaps NST should instead direct its verbal lobbying -- or should we say vile 'lobbing' –- at the authorities in a bid to improve "democratic processes". The paper would then be doing its bit for nation-building.
Otherwise, in NST own words, it is simply one newspaper that patently fails "to raise any constructive points".
NST editorial laced with pro-establishment propaganda
http://www.aliran.com/elections/2008/02/nst-editorial-laced-with-pro.html
An earlier entry in Media Monitors' Election Diary posits:
"what can Malaysians expect from the NST in its coverage of the impending run-up to the election if not acting as a full throttle mouthpiece for Badawi and the BN"?
The NST editorial on 18 February disparaging Hindraf's Roses Day is more of the same. The sophistry is there all right but the pro-establishment propaganda inescapable.
NST says: "On Saturday, a small group of people staged an illegal rally and attempted to take the election hostage. The little support that remains for the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) gathered in the capital determined that the world should know that they are extremely unhappy."
It repeats the BN line "illegal rally". It downplays the numbers gathered. Several hundreds is to NST "a small number". The paper forgets that comprehensive police roadblocks prevented the numbers from swelling. It forgets the pre-emptive arrest warrants that the Malaysian authorities are wont to issue organisers of just such public assemblies.
The public however has not forgotten that the Hindraf Five are still detained under the ISA. And yet, despite that tyrannical Sword of Damocles, which has been a longstanding deterrent to civic participation, the "small group of people" still bravely assembled in the capital.
NST's editorial accentuates wishful thinking: "The little support that remains for Hindraf"… if only, and goes on to say: "What they are unhappy about exactly is not clear."
A less mean-spirited reader than NST's target audience might well rejoin: "If the PM perked up his big ears a wee bit, he might learn the cause of the Indian Malaysians' unhappiness".
Of if the PM had allowed children to hand him flowers, he could have heard it straight from the mouth of babes.
Or if the PM had listened, he could have gotten some tips from Hindraf's alleged attempt 'to take the election hostage' –- more info to add to his ruling coalition's considerable store of knowledge. Or was Abdullah Badawi afraid that Hindraf would once again present their memo, handed by guileless children this time?
The words employed in the NST editorial to describe Hindraf are deliberately pejorative: "wily use of an absurd suit", "its slick organisers hoped to repeat the trick". They rightly belong in BN brochures, not in newspapers.
Inept and unaware?
The editorial then goes on: "They [Hindraf] haven't asked for more Tamil schools, for more jobs in the civil service for Indians. They haven't asked for more welfare support for underprivileged Indians. The Malaysian Indian Congress did all that, capitalising on an opportunity that Hindraf's organisers threw away."
What an inept newspaper not to be aware that Hindraf had already sent hundreds of letters, memos and requests to the authorities, without meriting any response.
What an inept newspaper not to be aware that the Hindraf petition (which its very own editorial derides as an absurd suit and slick trick) had already and clearly laid out the litany of woes besetting the Indian community and their remedies.
These remedies, at least, the NST seemed aware of: more Tamil schools, more jobs in the civil service, and more welfare support for underprivileged Indian Malaysians. But the NST gives credit to MIC, where no credit is due, for raising public awareness of the pressing needs.
Lat year, before 'Hindraf' became a household name, Indian Malaysians had gathered peacefully at Putrajaya -- in NST jargon – to "ask". And they had asked nicely. Sad that they were ignored and sent away empty handed.
NST says, "So, what is Hindraf actually fighting for, precisely? They have the same number of votes as every other Malaysian -- one man, one vote -- so they aren't the heroes of a burgeoning Malaysian civil rights movement."
One man, one vote? What an unschooled paper not to know that under Malaysia's skewed electoral weightage, one vote in Putrajaya is manifold the worth of one vote in Bukit Bintang.
Hardly surprising then that it could not enlighten its readers on how constituencies should be delineated so that there is an equal balance in the number of constituents. And if more weightage is accorded to some constituencies, that is, the rural ones, the maximum variation should not exceed 15 per cent (a statutory guideline recommended by the Reid Commission). This ratio is clearly breached in the case of Putrajaya.
Is NST also unaware that one of the main issues confronting the Indian Malaysian community is that though are bona fide Malaysians, a good number of them do not possess birth certificates and other official identity documents? They cannot register for school, much less vote.
If NST is still, now, all that clueless as to what Hindraf is actually fighting for, precisely, then it's not a very effective newspaper, is it? Newspapers are supposed to find out these things and inform their readership. Not require their readership to inform them.
No constructive points
NST says: "They are citizens of a country where more than two million foreigners work, both legally and not, so they can't possibly believe there are not enough jobs."
Indian Malaysians can rightly ask: "Then why are illegal foreigners holding these jobs? Where is the law enforcement that is too eagerly deployed to bully Hindraf? Why is it not doing its task of curbing illegal entry into this country?"
And since the Malaysian authorities seem too fond of throwing about the word 'illegal', can we also not label these jobs as 'illegal jobs' if done by illegal immigrants?
NST blathers on: "What they have done is to claim Hindus have been marginalised, accuse the government of ethnic cleansing, and beg for their five leaders to be released from detention under the Internal Security Act."
If NST is more attuned to the pulse of the rakyat, it would know that civil society demands – no, not "begs" – demands, that the Hindraf leaders be released. And for the ISA to be abolished.
Aah, but then, NST at least does not tag itself "The People's Paper", so its incomprehensibility of the people's strong sentiments is more excusable. Relatively speaking, that is.
NST adds: "They are also doing the BN a favour. They have made themselves widely resented in Kuala Lumpur for disrupting the lives of thousands of peace-loving city folk."
Uh-uh. This tack didn't work the last time. Thousands of peace-loving city folk hooted in derision when the BN trotted out its motley crew of Bukit Bintang pseudo traders to claim that the Bersih rally disrupted business on 10 November.
NST goes out with a whimper (certainly no bang) on this kicker: "They have obscured the fact that there are opposition parties making legitimate attempts to participate in the democratic process and respect elections as a venue for demanding change. It just doesn't look like they are fighting to raise any constructive points. Maybe, it really is for the money."
Isn't it a pity that when opposition parties make legitimate attempts to participate in the democratic process, like when they apply to get police permits for their public assemblies, or when they petition for clean, fair and transparent elections, they are denied this very "legitimacy"? Didn't the PM's famous son-in-law famously deem Bersih an "illegal organisation"?
So perhaps NST should instead direct its verbal lobbying -- or should we say vile 'lobbing' –- at the authorities in a bid to improve "democratic processes". The paper would then be doing its bit for nation-building.
Otherwise, in NST own words, it is simply one newspaper that patently fails "to raise any constructive points".
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